scholarly journals Senate Delegations and Federalism: The Dynamics of State Representation

1995 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 445-460
Author(s):  
Christopher L. Markwood ◽  
Michael R. Malaby

The integrity of the individual states as components of the United States" system of federalism depends upon effective representation of the states interests at the national level. The states’ delegations to the U.S. Senate are of prime importance in this capacity, especially when deciding between federal authority and state discretion. We find that the votes of state delegations to the 101st U.S. Senate on issues of federalism can be broken into four conceptual areas, and that the effectiveness of the representation of state federalism interests depends upon the specific federalism concept under consideration.

Foods ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 1816
Author(s):  
Michael F. Tlusty

Humans under-consume fish, especially species high in long-chain omega-3 fatty acids. Food-based dietary guidelines are one means for nations to encourage the consumption of healthy, nutritious food. Here, associations between dietary omega-3 consumption and food-based dietary guidelines, gross domestic product, the ranked price of fish, and the proportions of marine fish available at a national level were assessed. Minor associations were found between consumption and variables, except for food-based dietary guidelines, where calling out seafood in FBDGs did not associate with greater consumption. This relationship was explored for consumers in the United States, and it was observed that the predominant seafood they ate, shrimp, resulted in little benefit for dietary omega-3 consumption. Seafood is listed under the protein category in the U.S. Dietary Guidelines, and aggregating seafood under this category may limit a more complete understanding of its nutrient benefits beyond protein.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Lauren B. Wheeler ◽  
Eric C. Pappas

The United States ranked 8th in 2015 according to the United Nations’ Human Development Index, but empirical evidence shows that there are regions within the U.S. that would not classify as having “very high human development.”  We know about domestic poverty and hardship, but there are regions in the United States that are starting to look developmentally more like Albania or Kenya.  Using multivariate quantitative data (health statistics, education levels, and income) to replicate international development indices like that of United Nations on the national level, U.S. counties were ranked according to their development status.  In this way, widely recognized scales of development were translationally applied to the United States to fully understand the state of development, or rather regression, in the U.S.  The results were displayed cartographically to show the geographic distribution of regression across the U.S., mainly the Mississippi River Delta and the Appalachian Region.  In total, there were 66 counties that fell into fourth class, or the “low development” category, for all three development criteria.  


1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1023-1045 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Truman

Recent controversies over the degree of responsibility displayed by American parties have underscored at least one feature of voting in the Congress. Whatever the merits of the contending interpretations and demands, the facts adduced on both sides suggest relatively fluid, unstructured voting patterns, especially in the House of Representatives. Although the party label is clearly the single most reliable indicator of congressional voting behavior, it is admittedly somewhat less than perfect. The individual Representative may fairly often dissent from the views of most of his party colleagues, not only on matters of local or minor significance but also on issues of national or even global import.The Representative's “independence” is most commonly, and in a good many instances accurately, ascribed to peculiarities of his constituency which generate demands for a non-conforming vote or, perhaps more frequently, are expected to be the source of recriminations and penalities if he does not display independence of his party colleagues on certain types of issues. But the Member of Congress is by no means always able to predict the electoral consequences of his choices even though he is sure that they may produce repercussions in his district.


Author(s):  
Nancy Shoemaker

This introductory chapter discusses why, despite the negative assumptions regarding the islands of Fiji during the nineteenth century, Americans still went there. Indeed, several thousand of them voyaged to Fiji on merchant, whaling, and naval vessels in the decades before British colonization of the islands in 1874. And more than a hundred Americans lived and died there. From a macro perspective, explaining the American presence in Fiji seems simple. Their rationale was economic: Americans went to Fiji to extract resources to sell in China. Fiji became one leg in the U.S.–China trade and a source of great wealth for the American merchants who gambled their fortunes on it. However, a closer inspection reveals that the foot soldiers of early U.S. global expansion, the individual Americans who ventured overseas, did so for more complicated reasons. An assortment of personal ambitions impelled Americans to travel to distant locales. Their motivations, albeit multiple and divergent, often derived from a desire to be respected by others and thereby attain a sense of self-worth. Their strivings to rise in others' estimation influenced the course of Fiji's history and, albeit more subtly, the history of the United States.


Author(s):  
C. M. Bertone

This report presents a complete translation of the Czechoslovakian standard for control pushbuttons and compares it with similar standards as established in the United States. The comparison tends to show specific differences between the two countries’ efforts to establish standards in this area. The Czechoslovak standards are rigid and specific while the U.S. standards are variable and left to interpretation of the individual.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089976402096458
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Boyer ◽  
Katherine R. Cooper ◽  
Shaun M. Dougherty ◽  
Rong Wang ◽  
Michelle Shumate

Collaborative governance research examines the role of individuals, organizations, and partnerships within a community to understand why particular interorganizational networks emerge. We take a different tact, arguing that communities adopt collaborative governance models based upon exposure to the models and the individual and organizational resources in a community. We conducted a web-based national-level scan of communities in the United States ( N = 1,162) for the presence of one model of collaborative governance, education-focused collective impact. We found that spatial proximity, poverty rate, and individual resources each predicted the existence of collective impact in a U.S. county. Implications for collaborative governance research are drawn from the results.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-191
Author(s):  
Emeric Solymossy

This paper discusses a model of business in a “democracy” by identifying the three underlying concepts; the individual, the collective (society), and the government (system and mechanics).  Furthermore, each of these elements is also a multi-factor construct.  The foundations and development of the United States is discussed. The exploration, discovery and development of any new country require risk taking and innovative behavior, which was instrumental in the creation of heroes and myths, which shaped much of the culture. From this background, some of the principle characteristics of the entrepreneur are explored and correlated to some generally accepted measures of national culture.  The concepts are developed; their inter-relationships and the resulting dynamics are presented.  The foundation(s) and uniqueness of the U.S. form of democracy is explored as a government typology.  Data is presented exhibiting the variability of business confidence, and a conclusion is reached that the attitudes and policies of the government have a greater impact on business formation and success than the form of government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110418
Author(s):  
Mark J. Brandt ◽  
Anthony Aron ◽  
Megan Parker ◽  
Cristina Rodas ◽  
Megan Shaffer

A regularity in the U.S. American politics is that liberals have more policy consensus than do conservatives, and both ideological groups have more consensus than moderates. One explanation for this is that conservatives’ local conformity paradoxically results in less consensus than liberals at the national level. If so, then the liberal consensus effect should also be observed in other countries. We test this using data from Europe. In the European Social Survey (country N = 38, participant N = 376,129), we find that on average leftists have more consensus than do rightists; however, we do not find this using the Eurobarometer (country N = 18, participant N = 375,830). In both data sources, we also observe variation in ideological differences between countries. These results suggest that there is a liberal/leftist consensus effect on average, that can be found in Europe and the United States, but there are also exceptions.


Author(s):  
Alicia Arrizón

In the U.S.–Mexico context, the concepts of the border, borderlands, and la frontera represent their ongoing complex geopolitical, cultural, and historical relations. With the signing of the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty in 1848 and the Gadsden Purchase in 1853, the Mexican and U.S. governments established the southern border of the United States. The border is the international boundary line between the two countries, and the borderlands are the zones neighboring both sides of that boundary. It is a place where the First and Third Worlds collide daily, creating borderlands that amount to collective spaces of transcultural/transnational encounters. The concept of la frontera represents a counter-narrative of the term “frontier,” which became synonymous with American expansionism, or the westward expansion of the United States as proclaimed by Frederick Jackson Turner in 1883. The Spanish term “frontera,” as used in this framework, presupposes a knowledge production ranging from the implications of land annexation to the geopolitical and cultural processes of borderland sites. While the borders mark the place where adjacent jurisdictions, communities, and nation-states meet, it has also been a hotly contested subject—literally and figuratively speaking—inciting extreme emotional reactions that fuel negative stereotypes about immigrants, ethnic discrimination, and xenophobia. Immigration has become one of the most salient sociopolitical issues discussed on the national level. Unfortunately, it is debated mainly outside of the historical context because the histories embedded in its borderlands can contribute enormously to inform current political debates about immigration in the United States. Border crossers coming from south of the border are often portrayed by U.S. politicians as the most unwelcome and undesirable (yet necessary) immigrants. As the national discussion on immigration reform continues and the alleged ills of the U.S.–Mexico border dominate the political discourse and the media, expressive art and print culture must continue to form novel epistemologies of borders and counter unsubstantiated alternative facts propagated by anti-immigrant groups. To that end, it is important to consider the border's literature and imagine the borderlands as the fruitful heterogeneous site of an imagined and creative homeland: Aztlán.


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