scholarly journals The process of establishment of Roma elite. The case of Cluj.

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Réka Geambașu
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Roma Population ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come

In Romania, the political leaders of the Roma community and the main actors from civil organizations face a particular situation. The legitimization of their leadership position ought to come neither from Roma population, nor from the non-n-Roma, but from the political elite of the majority-state who might accept or reject them as partners of political dialogue, as legitimate representatives of the Roma population. The Romanian political actors decide who or whose circle will be considered the legitimate delegate of the Roma, their attitude constituting the major determinant of the Roma elite configuration. Roma issues are thus defined from above, by outsiders who circumscribe the social space at the disposal of Roma leaders, mark their public discourse and delimit the area of their initiatives. The study of Geambaşuşu Réka sheds light on this subject by presenting the case of Cluj.

INSTITUTIONAL CONDITIONALITY OF THE ENDOGENIZATION OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

2018 ◽  
pp. 145-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeriy Heyets
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Mechanisms ◽  
Centralized Management ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

At the end of the XXth century, in the countries of the former socialist camp, the capitalist reforms of the fundamental content of the principles of ensuring the right to liberty were carried out, including the economic one, that was realized in accordance with the existence and protection of the rights for a private property. This choice was made because there was a fundamental desire to overcome the dependence on the leadership of the political sovereign, which, in fact, ensured the receipt of «rents» through the implementation of a centralized management system on a planning and distribution basis, restraining the desire to gain freedom by providing opportunities for self-realization. In place of the ideology of the political «sovereign», the new ways of human activity coordination had to come, based on the principles of the ideology of liberalism. At the initial stages of reforms, the problems of institutionalization of activity of both the state and business, remained out of attention, since freedom was «above all».Capitalism, that develops without control and restrictions, is guided by a single criterion - by the private interest of the strongest and remains hostile to any form of public interest of the majority. At the same time, the development of the social institutions requires the formation of an institutional space for the implementation of the civic initiatives and the protection of freedoms from the manifestations of power and the weakly controlled monopoly organized business in the limitation of the civic activity. For this reason, in the process of development of society, the state should establish the long-term social mechanisms not only to consolidate the new spirit of capitalization and further economic growth, but also development through the social mechanisms of the social space that will not break, but will stabilize the society on the basis of the social values.

ELITE WOMEN, SOCIAL POLITICS, AND THE POLITICAL WORLD OF LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND

2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 669-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELAINE CHALUS
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Politics ◽  
Social Situations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

Political historians have recognized that politics and high society interacted in eighteenth-century England; and most would also recognize the presence of elite women in the social world of politicians. These assumptions have not, however, been subjected to much scrutiny. This article takes the social aspects of politics seriously and aims to provide an introduction to social politics – the management of people and social situations for political ends – and, specifically, to the involvement of women therein. Politics in eighteenth-century England was not just about parliament and politicians; it also had a social dimension. By expanding our understanding of politics to include social politics, we not only reintegrate women into the political world but we also reveal them to have been legitimate political actors, albeit on a non-parliamentary stage, where they played a vital part in creating and sustaining both a uniquely politicized society and the political elite itself. While specific historical circumstances combined in the eighteenth century to facilitate women's socio-political involvement, social politics is limited neither to women nor to the eighteenth century. It has wider implications for historians of all periods and calls into question the way that we conceptualize politics itself. The relationship between the obstinately nebulous arena of social politics and the traditional arena of high politics is ever-changing, but by trivializing the former we limit our ability to understand the latter.

scholarly journals Returning urban political elites to the research agenda: the case of the Southern Low Countries (c. 1350 – c. 1550)

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.

scholarly journals Information Support of Youth Policy as a Factor of Formation of the Social Capital and Political Attitudes of the Young Generation

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Galina Viktorovna Morozova ◽  
Artur Romanovich Gavrilov ◽  
Bulat Ildarovich Yakupov
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Young People ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Information ◽  
Information Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Social

If we sum up the tasks facing the Russian state in relation to the young generation, then all of them are associated with its harmonious inclusion in the social and political development of the country. At the normative level, the current need is declared for young people to form active citizenship and democratic political culture, which is possible only in a constant and equal dialogue between the authorities and young people. Ensuring the interaction of the younger generation with the political elite presupposes the existence of certain conditions - the creation and effective functioning of the information infrastructure of youth policy, as well as the conduct of an open active information policy. The article describes the results of a study of the political status of students of the capital of Tatarstan - Kazan, in particular, such parameters as youth interest in political information, trust in the sources of this information, and political participation. Together with the data of secondary studies, this made it possible to characterize the youth sector of political communication, identify the existing difficulties in the interaction of the government and youth, in particular, identify some difficulties in receiving and disseminating political information among the youth, which impede the development of a democratic political culture and the accumulation of social capital of the young generation.

Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Before And After

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.

Changes in the Political Culture of Italian Younger Politicians

2019 ◽  
pp. 1222-1236
Author(s):  
Flaminia Saccà
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Venture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
Past Millennium

In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fundamental Challenge ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

scholarly journals The Choice of Constitutional Amendments in a Young Democracy – from Indirect to Direct Election of the President in Taiwan

2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Da-chi Liao ◽  
Hui-chih Chang
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Loss Minimization ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Direct Form ◽  
Power Maximization ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
The Masses

This paper attempts to determine the kind of constitutional rule preferred in a young democracy when an institutional opportunity for constitutional change occurs. It adopts the standpoint of collective decision-making. This approach involves two crucial theoretical elements: the calculation of the interests of the political elite and the masses' comprehension of what democracy is. The case studied here is Taiwan's constitutional choice between the direct and indirect election of the president during the period from 1990 to 1994. The paper first examines how the political leaders might have used both the logic of power maximization and of power-loss minimization to choose their position on the issue. It then demonstrates that survey results indeed showed that respondents better understood the direct form of electing the president and therefore supported it over the indirect one. This support helped the direct form to eventually win out.

Blogs and Forums in a Presidential Election Process in Turkey

2010 ◽  
pp. 372-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Güliz Uluç ◽  
Mehmet Yilmaz ◽  
Umit Isikdag
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Discussion Forums ◽  
Communication Tool ◽  
Political Blogs ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Online Discussion Forums ◽  
Election Process

Internet forums and weblogs have been institutionalized as an integral part of the political communication system. Political candidates, interest groups, and other political actors increasingly employ the Internet as a communication tool. Weblogs and online discussion forums are recognized as new democratic meeting places. This chapter investigates the role of political blogs and forums in the 2007 presidential election in Turkey and focuses on the interaction between political actors and the citizens. The content of 270 top-rated blogs and 15 discussion forums posted between April and September of 2007 was analyzed. The findings indicate that blogs and forums function as enablers of political dialogue and facilitate political participation and civic interaction. The conclusion is drawn that blogs and forums have emerged as innovative modes of political communication in Turkey resulting in a broad interchange of diverse political opinions in the political arena.

Towards a New International Technological Order

1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Galtung
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Alternative Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Presence ◽  
Linear Movement ◽  
To Come ◽  
Capital Intensive ◽  
Mode Of Production

The main thesis of the paper is that technology is not merely a mode of production and therefore neutral; it carries within it a code of structures - economic, social, cultural, and also cognitive. The economic code that inheres in Western Technology demands that industries be capital-intensive, research-intensive, organization-intensive and labour-extensive. On the social plane, the code creates a ‘centre’ and a ‘periphery’, thus perpetuating a structure of inequality. In the cultural arena, it sees the West as entrusted by destiny with the mission of casting the rest of the world in its own mould. In the cognitive field, it sees man as the master of nature, the vertical and individualistic relations between human beings as the normal and natural, and history as a linear movement of progress. The transfer of Western technology is thus a structural-cultural invasion, which is not clearly seen as such parly because it is not accompanied by the West's physical presence (as in the days of colonialism), and partly because the fragmentation inherent in Western technology fragments the perception of the total picture. For techniques that create different structures to come into their own, a very clear perception of the interlocking of technology and structures is needed. Also needed is the political will to use alternative technologies as an instrument to bring about a structural change.

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