INSTITUTIONAL CONDITIONALITY OF THE ENDOGENIZATION OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Author(s):  
Valeriy Heyets

At the end of the XXth century, in the countries of the former socialist camp, the capitalist reforms of the fundamental content of the principles of ensuring the right to liberty were carried out, including the economic one, that was realized in accordance with the existence and protection of the rights for a private property. This choice was made because there was a fundamental desire to overcome the dependence on the leadership of the political sovereign, which, in fact, ensured the receipt of «rents» through the implementation of a centralized management system on a planning and distribution basis, restraining the desire to gain freedom by providing opportunities for self-realization. In place of the ideology of the political «sovereign», the new ways of human activity coordination had to come, based on the principles of the ideology of liberalism. At the initial stages of reforms, the problems of institutionalization of activity of both the state and business, remained out of attention, since freedom was «above all».Capitalism, that develops without control and restrictions, is guided by a single criterion - by the private interest of the strongest and remains hostile to any form of public interest of the majority. At the same time, the development of the social institutions requires the formation of an institutional space for the implementation of the civic initiatives and the protection of freedoms from the manifestations of power and the weakly controlled monopoly organized business in the limitation of the civic activity. For this reason, in the process of development of society, the state should establish the long-term social mechanisms not only to consolidate the new spirit of capitalization and further economic growth, but also development through the social mechanisms of the social space that will not break, but will stabilize the society on the basis of the social values.

2021 ◽  
pp. 239448112110203
Author(s):  
Supriya Rani ◽  
Neera Agnimitra

Devbans are the parts of forest territory that have been traditionally conserved in reverence to the local deities in various parts of Himachal Pradesh. Today, they stand at the intersection of tradition and modernity. This paper endeavours to study the political ecology of a Devban in the contemporary times by looking at the power dynamics between various stakeholders with respect to their relative decision making power in the realm of managing the Devban of Parashar Rishi Devta. It further looks at howcertain political and administrative factors can contribute towards the growth or even decline of any Devban. The study argues that in the contemporary times when the capitalist doctrines have infiltrated every sphere of the social institutions including the religion, Devbans have a greater probability of survival when both the state and the community have shared conservatory idealsand powers to preserve them.


1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Rose

The Constitution of the United States as amended provides that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” These words are plain. Everybody understands them. They mean, and every one knows that they mean, that, from the constitutional point of view, one question relative to the suffrage is no longer open. That question is the very one about which I am asked to write. From the political point of view, from the historical point of view, from the social point of view, from the economic point of view, and from the ethical point of view, there is much to be said about negro suffrage. For centuries yet to come there may be much to be said. From the constitutional point of view, accurately defined, there has been nothing to say since March 30, 1870. On that day the Secretary of State of the United States proclaimed that the Fifteenth Amendment had been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-nine out of the then thirty-seven States. The apparent assent of a number of these legislatures, perhaps, had not been a real assent. It might have been given under duress. Still, it had been given. The men who assumed to be the legislatures of other of these States may have had little moral and a very doubtful legal right to speak for them.


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Réka Geambașu

In Romania, the political leaders of the Roma community and the main actors from civil organizations face a particular situation. The legitimization of their leadership position ought to come neither from Roma population, nor from the non-n-Roma, but from the political elite of the majority-state who might accept or reject them as partners of political dialogue, as legitimate representatives of the Roma population. The Romanian political actors decide who or whose circle will be considered the legitimate delegate of the Roma, their attitude constituting the major determinant of the Roma elite configuration. Roma issues are thus defined from above, by outsiders who circumscribe the social space at the disposal of Roma leaders, mark their public discourse and delimit the area of their initiatives. The study of Geambaşuşu Réka sheds light on this subject by presenting the case of Cluj.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-396
Author(s):  
Bachuki Tsanava ◽  

The article is devoted to the concept of the political in the philosophy of English thinker Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679). The author points out the key concepts for understanding the concept of the political in Hobbes’s philosophy, such as the method of his philosophy, anthropological views, and the idea of the state of nature. The author describes the philosopher’s thought path toward the concept of the political, beginning from his attempt to overcome the shortcomings of contemporary philosophy and the desire to create a science of politics, based on rational deliberation. Hobbes contrasts elocution with his method of searching for political truth based on reason because there is more harm than good done to the state by elocution. In the hands of selfish and vain individuals, elocution turns into an instrument for achieving personal goals rather than the common good. Hobbes’s anthropological views allow him to describe all the horror and injustice in the state of nature, in which any selfish, but reasonable person, using the right method will come to the idea of the need to establish a state. The author notes that the concepts of vanity and fear occupied a particularly important place in Hobbes’s philosophy, since they are the reasons for the collapse and creation of states. Thus, the concept of the political in Hobbes’s philosophy is inseparable from deliberation based on reason, since without it selfish individuals cannot hear the voice of reason, establish the Leviathan, and proceed to the political condition. The social con- tract, obtained as a result of rational deliberation of egoistic individuals, represents the pinnacle of the political because neither the political condition nor citizens existed before it.


Author(s):  
Khudoiar Lesia

Introduction. The features of the concepts of equality enshrined in the provisions of the programming documents of the Internationals in the perspective of the genesis of the concept of human rights are highlighted. The aim of the article. The content and peculiarities of conceptions of the principle of equality in the programming documents of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals are investigated and compared in order to determine the influence of the hierarchy of moral and legal values of a particular political community on the evolution of the concept and content of the principle of equality in European society in a certain period of time. Results. The program of the Communist International, adopted at the 45th meeting of the 6th Congress of the Communist International on September 1, 1928, clearly articulates the idea of ​​equality between men and women, as well as the equality of all fighters for a socialist lifestyle, regardless of national, cultural, linguistic or racial differences , gender, or profession. On the other hand, this concept of equality applies only to the class of the proletariat, which fights for "a world-wide proletarian dictatorship and world communism." That is, the authors of the program advocated a class approach to understanding the principle of equality, whose effect was not to extend to other classes and strata of society except the proletariat. The concept of legal equality declared in the Comintern documents has the character of equality of results - a concept whose meaning is that society and the state must guarantee equality of people through the redistribution of wealth and status in order to achieve economic and social equality. Equality in this concept is the first and greatest value compared to freedom and justice. This kind of equality is called egalitarianism and is possible only if free competition, which underlies equality of opportunity, is restricted. The Socialist Declaration of Principles adopted in Stockholm in 1989 proclaimed freedom, justice, equality and solidarity as the basic principles of the Social Democrats. In particular, it was emphasized that the Social Democrats attach equal importance to these fundamental principles and understand their interdependence. Contrary to this view, liberals and conservatives favor individual liberty at the expense of justice and solidarity, while the Communists claim to have achieved equality and solidarity, but at the expense of freedom. The Manifesto of the Liberal International declared the concept of equality of opportunity, according to which each individual should be guaranteed equal chances to succeed in life, and focused primarily on the principle of freedom in accordance with the classical principles of liberalism. In particular, the following liberal principles were proclaimed: independence of thought; respect for the human personality and the family as the foundation of society; the state is only a tool of the community; it must not assume a power which is contrary to the fundamental rights of citizens and to the conditions necessary for a responsible and creative life, namely: personal freedom, guaranteed by the independence of the administration of law and justice; freedom of religion and freedom of conscience; freedom of speech and the press; freedom to associate or not to associate; free choice of classes; the possibility of full and varied training, according to ability and regardless of birth or means; the right to private property and the right to start a separate enterprise; free choice of consumers and the opportunity to take full advantage of the productivity of the soil and the human industry; protection against disease, unemployment, disability and old age; equality between men and women. These rights and conditions can only be guaranteed by true democracy. Сonclusions. Defining in the conception of the equality principle of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals of the twentieth century there is a balance between equality and freedom. In particular, the limits of freedom and, accordingly, the content of the concept of equality are largely determined by the hierarchy of moral and legal values ​​of a particular political community over a period of time. It is also important to emphasize that the genesis of the concepts of the principle of equality in the programming documents of three influential international political organizations of the twentieth century was conditioned by a complex and contradictory process of becoming European democracy. The triumph of the social-democratic and liberal concept of equality and its consolidation in the constitutions of most European countries in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the deep disappointment of the general public of the European community with the totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government and the socio-economic progress of states with democratic forms of government.


Author(s):  
Marat Erkenovich Ashirbekov

We consider the issue of counteraction of Republic of Kazakhstan prosecution authorities to violations in the land legislation sphere. In this manner, the current reforms to improve the social and economic well-being of citizens in the Republic of Kazakhstan have affected such a burning sphere of public relations as the land issue. It is noted that other values, in particular spiritual and material goods, pale before the right to own the private property institution. It is stated that the existing demand for land and the lack of equal opportunities to obtain them contributes to the emergence of corruption risks. The role of the state course coordinator is legally assigned to the supreme supervisory body of the Republic of Kazakhstan – the Prosecutor General’s office. The inspections carried out by the prosecutor’s office in the activities of local executive bodies reveal numerous law violations, allowed when granting land for individual housing construction, failure to comply with the procedure for issuing land, the use of various schemes to bypass queues. However, the state does not have sufficient land resources to meet the needs of even those who are already in line. In view of what any methods for achievement of the purposes, including bribes of officials, arbitrariness and unauthorized captures of the earth are applied. We offer the ways of counteraction and prevention of the considered crimes in the sphere of land use.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando R. Tesón

Abstract:This essay argues that the territorial rights of states derive from the property rights of the individuals that make up those states. The argument draws from the Lockean tradition of justification of political powers. Persons in the state of nature have natural rights. Those rights are first-order substantive rights (the right to property), and second-order executive rights (the right to enforce the right to property.) In the social contract, individuals transfer to the state their executive rights, not their substantive rights. The state can thus define the boundaries of property rights and adjudicate property disputes, but does not legitimately own land itself. The article discusses and rejects, for deontic and consequentialist reasons, positions that justify collective and state ownership of territory. Some important consequences follow from the argument: First, no actual state has territorial rights, since no actual state wields delegated powers in land. Second, notwithstanding the preceding conclusion, actual states have an obligation to exercise their (putative) territorial powers consistently with the respect for private property.


Author(s):  
Aylton Barbieri Durão ◽  

Kant intends to present a Foundation of the state of right based on the reconstruction of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s thought. Like the Genevanese philosopher who presents an empirical explanation based on the evolutionary anthropology, and a rational Foundation, based on the political and juridical philosophy, Kant also imagines two ways to fundament the state of right. In his empirical explanation, along with the anthropology, he introduces the history philosophy, which considers that the unsociable sociability makes the humankind leave its state of nature and establish, by means of an usurper, the civil state, in which it gradually approaches the republican constitution and, later, the States Federation and the cosmopolitan right; the rational Foundation, on the other hand, shows how the original contract indirectly determines the Foundation of the civil state, to the extent that only through it is it possible to establish the presumption of the right to the private property that will just turn effective in the civil state itself, although the public right directly postulates the state fundament, which is obtained analytically from the principle of the right in opposition to the concept of violence.


2014 ◽  
pp. 92-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Moroz

The theme of the Church's influence on the political life of the state is one that is constantly focused on the attention of the scientific community, the media and its own politics. The current legislation in Ukraine clearly separates the church from the state. However, both the church and the state are important social institutions that can not but influence one another. The official position of the state in the relevant relations is outlined again by the law. Each of the confessions of the country, through democratic freedoms and within them, is able to implement its own concept of relations with the state. Moreover, the positions of even the largest churches in Ukraine here are significantly different and significantly affect the social realities, which determines the relevance of the topic.


Author(s):  
Juan Manuel Goig Martínez

La participación de los ciudadanos en la vida política, social, económica o cultural del Estado constituye uno de los elementos definidores del Estado Social y democrático de Derecho, y esta participación no sólo se ejerce en los procesos electorales, sino que admite diversas vertientes, una de las cuales es a través del ejercicio del derecho de manifestación. La libertad de manifestarse, por lo molesta que es, y porque afecta al ejercicio de otros derechos o libertades, debe estar sometida a determinadas limitaciones, pero éstas deben de adoptarse con gran cautela, puesto que la imposibilidad de manifestación afecta directamente a los derechos de libre expresión y de asociación, a los que está íntimamente unida.The participation of citizens in the political, social, economic or cultural life of the State constitutes one of the setters of the Social and democratic State of law, and this participation is not only exercised in electoral processes, but it manifests itself in various ways, one of which is through the exercise of the right to demonstrate. The freedom to demonstrate, the annoying thing is, and that affects the exercise of other rights and freedoms, should be subject to certain restrictions, but these must be taken with great caution, since the impossibility of manifestation directly affects the rights of free expression and Association, to which it is closely linked.


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