scholarly journals Postmodern identity culture in Hungarian neo-pagan community

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121
Author(s):  
Réka Szilárdi
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Initial Point ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Identity Narratives ◽  
The World ◽  
Specific Identity

The study presents the analysis of identity narratives belonging to neo-pagan groups, a group phenomenon which is nowadays widely researched. The author considers highly exciting the statement which claims that the neo-paganism has a specific Hungarian branch, which may present interesting trends regarding political preferences, religious and national identity interwovencies. Her initial point is that communities respond to the postmodern existence with a negative attitude in which they try to form a general and overall valid self-definition; in other words they try to alloy the national, the linguistic, the religious and possibly the political identity forms in a credible, authentic unit; furthermore these movements in some aspects act in such a way like the ethnicity would be their shaping principle. This does not mean that this is the way the whole society considers them, but on the contrary, the researched entities in many situations react to the world surrounding them like minorities do, from which they do not necessarily differ ethnically. The concluding part of the study consists of the qualitative analysis of two organs in which the neo-pagan meta-culture is coupled with a specific identity-culture

The Star and the Stripes

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
American Jews ◽  
Peace And Justice ◽  
The World ◽  
Policy Beliefs ◽  
Justice Movements

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.

Political Identity, Democratic Empowerment, and Political Learning

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Niels Noergaard Kristensen
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Learning ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Turmoil

The political commotion of the world is rising anew. Political challenges and political turmoil unfold side by side, and at the fore of many current political struggles stands the notion of “political identity.” Identity is a key asset in citizens' orientations toward political issues, their selection of information, and not least their political participation at large. The character of political challenges and struggles suggests that we need a revitalized and more comprehensive conceptual framework and operationalization of political identity. Political identity plays a role in most political activity, and the authors engage in elaborating the concept. The discussion presents the notion of political learning in order to bridge the complex and vigorous relations between on the one side political orientations and awareness and on the other side current manifestations of democratic political identities.

Military cosmopolitanism and romantic indigeneity: Crafting claims to statehood in Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss and Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood

2020 ◽  
pp. 002198941989730
Author(s):  
Sushmita Sircar
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Indigenous Identity ◽  
The World ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Many

The world wars definitively changed the relations with the state of the peoples of India’s northeastern frontier. The wars were both fought on their terrain (with the invasion of the Japanese army) and led to the recruitment of people from the region to serve in the British Army. The contemporary Anglophone Indian novel documents the lingering effects of this militarization in the many insurgencies that have fragmented the region in the postcolonial era. Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006) depicts the Gorkhaland uprising of the 1980s in the Kalimpong district of West Bengal, which demanded a separate state, while Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood (2011) describes the Naga peoples’ traditional way of life against the backdrop of attempts to declare independence from the Indian state. In this article I argue that these novels capture how these secessionist movements use the experience of the world wars to craft a political identity based on military brotherhood to claim independence from the Indian state. These movements thus undertake a complex reworking of the valences of the figure of the “soldier”, central to so many accounts of national integrity. At the same time, reproducing the nationalist logic of the Indian state, these novels more readily recognize an “indigenous” identity based on a claim to the land as the political basis of nationhood. Hence, these novels about secessionist struggles reveal how certain narratives of nation formation become the only legitimate means for making claims for political rights and independent statehood over the course of the twentieth century.

Why Ukraine Is Not Russia

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Extent ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Impact

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.

scholarly journals Educational Lessons from Further Analysis of Ho Chi Minh and V.I Lenin Ideologies on Values of Socialism Economy and Building State Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 670-676
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Hang ◽  
Dinh Thi Hien ◽  
Dinh Tran Ngoc Huy ◽  
Leng Thi Lan ◽  
Ly Thi Hue
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
State Government ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Materialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Criterion ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Inductive Methods ◽  
Research Findings

This paper aims to present practical values of a socialism economy from ideologies of V.I Lenin and Ho Chi Minh, two talented leaders of the world. Authors mainly use qualitative analysis, consisting of synthesis and inductive methods and historical materialism methods. Research findings show us that from Ho Chi Minh views, People is the most important criterion to evaluate the effectiveness of the political system’s operating capacity. This is also a very humanistic goal of the Vietnamese political system. If the operation of the political system is ineffective, the bureaucracy, the contingent of cadres and civil servants, especially key cadres, are degenerated and degenerated, the political system will slip out of the orbit of the people. The owner of the people, to become a force opposed to the people.

scholarly journals Politik Identitas dalam Sejarah Pembentukan Negara Israel

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Elpeni Fitrah
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The World

This paper discusses how the political identity becomes a motive of Israel state formation. Identitypolitics is a part of cultural politics which consisted by race, religion, ethnic and culture. TheAuthor identified identity politics as a concept or political movement which focusing into diversity.The main argument of this paper is Israel has succeed utilize its cultural identity narrative to unitethe perception of the Jewish around the world to reproduce as a historical justification as well asthe tools of politics for the sake of the embodiment of national ideals in establishing their ownnation state. Keywords: Identity Politics, Narrative, Perception, Israel

scholarly journals Managing diversity: is Australia bucking the postmulticulturalist trend or on its way to embrace interculturalism?

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maren Klein
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Unique Type ◽  
Managing Diversity ◽  
The World ◽  
Building Project

At a time when multiculturalism as an approach to managing diversity in society has been declared a failed policy in many western countries, Australia still seems committed to the approach as evidenced in public discourse and government declarations. The concept of interculturalism— promoted as a more appropriate approach to dealing with diversity in other parts of the world such as Europe and Canada—seemingly has no place in the Australian context. However, changes in the understanding of the concept, its application and degrees of commitment to it can also be observed in Australia. Not only has the meaning and execution of multiculturalism changed considerably over the years, there has also been vigorous debate and backlash, embodied in the political arena, by the (re) emergence of parties, and more recently, a variety of groupings with a nationalistic and/or nativist focus. More generally, a hardened attitude in public discourses concerning migration, social cohesion and national identity has developed over the last two decades. In the context of these developments, this article will trace the evolution of the Australian concept of multiculturalism and its concrete application focussing on the changes of the last two decades. A comparison of Australia’s purportedly unique type of multiculturalism and concept(s) of interculturalism to explore whether Australia’s nation-building project is indeed distinct from other countries’ diversity experience, or whether there is a place for interculturalism in Australia in an era of increasing mobility will conclude the article.

scholarly journals Beyond East–West: Marginality and National Dignity in Finnish Identity Construction

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Browning ◽  
Marko Lehti
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
The West ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Identity Narratives ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

Since the end of the Cold War it has become common for Finnish academics and politicians alike to frame debates about Finnish national identity in terms of locating Finland somewhere along a continuum between East and West. Indeed, for politicians, properly locating oneself (and therefore Finland) along this continuum has often been seen as central to the winning and losing of elections. For example, the 1994 referendum on EU membership was largely interpreted precisely as an opportunity to relocate Finland further to the West. Indeed, the tendency to depict Finnish history in terms of a series of “Westernizing” moves has been notable, but has also betrayed some of the politicized elements of this view. However, this framing of Finnish national identity discourse is not only sometimes politicized but arguably is also too simplified and results in blindness towards other identity narratives that have also been important through Finnish history, and that are also evident (but rarely recognized) today as well. In this article we aim to highlight one of these that we argue has played a key role in locating Finland in the world and in formulating notions of what Finland is about, what historical role and mission it has been understood as destined to play, and what futures for the nation have been conceptualized as possible and as providing a source of subjectivity and national dignity.

Saving the Soul of the Nation: Essentialist Nationalism and Interwar Rural Wales

Rural History ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
WIL GRIFFITH
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Industrial System ◽  
Land System ◽  
Depressed State ◽  
Agricultural Community ◽  
The World ◽  
National Sentiment

AbstractThis article explores how the land and the agricultural community were made out to be central to the assertion of Welsh national identity between the world wars. Political Nationalism came out of a disillusion with Liberal national sentiment. Liberal nationalists had recognised the significance of the land in Wales and made secure a devolved administrative regime for agriculture, the Welsh Council of Agriculture, originally established before 1914. For the political Nationalists, however, this was far too little. They perceived a cultural and economic crisis which might be overcome only through complete self-government. That crisis originated historically in the annexation of Wales to England which had intruded an alien land system and destroyed a natural, patriarchal rural order; which had foisted an alien commercial, industrial system and had led to the Anglicisation of Welsh society. In its depressed state, inter-war Wales was subjected to a new and reactive form of politics, often influenced by European right wing ideas, which was anti-urban, anti-capitalist, anti-English and anti-modern, all of which had wider repercussions for the future of Welsh identity.

Occasions and Nations in Brahms's Fest- und Gedenkspruche

2006 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Minor
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
The World ◽  
German Nation ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Fathers And Sons

Brahms's Fest- und Gedenkspruche have long been discussed and sometimes dismissed as an occasional work. But although many scholars have debunked this designation, pointing out that Brahms wrote the motets with no particular occasion in mind, a more salient description of the composition deserves further investigation: the motets are a work for occasions, rather than an occasional work. This article looks at the repercussions of this distinction by focusing on the motets' orientation around the world of plurals (in Benedict Anderson's words) that was both presupposed and fostered by a national culture of festivity in late-nineteenth-century Germany. For one, the title of Brahms's motets--Spruche--references the contemporary collections of sayings that sought to capture and disseminate the multiplicity of the Volk in the new German Kaiserreich. This emphasis on national identity as a localized, participatory act was well suited to the flurry of commemorative festivities taking place throughout the newly unified Germany; it also finds musical expression in the motets. In particular, Brahms makes programmatic use of the double chorus to illustrate processes of unification, narration, and historical continuity, all of which were crucial strategies in the attempt to buttress Germany's new political identity with mnemonic supports. And by setting biblical texts that promote a contractual memory between fathers and sons, Brahms depicts a community in which collective participation in remembering the national past serves as an optimistic bulwark against the centrifugal antagonisms that would soon beset the young German nation.

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