scholarly journals The Discursive Representation of the Past in the Text of a Political Party Program (Based on the Programs of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia)

Author(s):  
Natalia P. Kaverzina ◽  
◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Hrannar Baldvinsson

This article explores the reason why the LDP has stayed so long in power and why it ultimately fell out. It begins by giving an overview of the political situation in Japan in the past decades. It then proceeds to explain the main theories on why the LDP stayed so long in power and maintains that the main contributing factor has been a weak opposition. Finally it discusses how the new party has distinguished itself from former opposition parties and how and why the LDP had failed to meet that challenge. Keywords: Liberal Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Japan, Elections, New Komeito, Japan Communist Party, Japan socialist Party, Junichiro Koizumi, Shinzo Abe, Taro Aso.


Sowiniec ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (46) ◽  
pp. 53-67
Author(s):  
Marcin Kluzik

The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-195
Author(s):  
MACIEJ PLETNIA

AbstractSince the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan's (LDP) return to power in late 2012, there has been on-going discussions regarding the possibility of revising the Japanese constitution. Prime Minister Shinzō Abe has made numerous remarks regarding his intention to implement significant changes. Understandably, amendments to the controversial Article 9 as well as to the Article 96 have become the main points of interests for both journalists and scholars. Judging by the LDP's constitutional draft from 2012 there are other significant changes that the ruling party would like to implement. This article mainly analyses the proposed amendments regarding the position and significance of the emperor, national flag, and anthem, as well as separation of the state and religion. Based on textual analysis of the draft and analysis of the remarks made by Abe Shinzō regarding changing the constitution, this paper argues that, if implemented, the proposed changes would symbolically link contemporary Japan with its pre-1945 past. Furthermore, both the LDP's constitutional draft and leading politicians’ comments regarding the necessity of those amendments fit into a much broader narrative regarding Japan's historical past, and signify another attempt to reconstruct collective memory of both the Pacific War and occupation years.


Significance Turnout was low, but President Vladimir Putin and other officials have dismissed the significance of this. The new parliament will contain the same parties as its predecessor: United Russia, the Communist Party, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and Just Russia. The liberal opposition failed to increase its low level of support. United Russia's success is a victory for Dmitry Medvedev, whose position as prime minister seems more secure than before. Impacts United Russia's three-quarters Duma majority will simplify the passage of constitutional amendments. This power may be used after the 2018 presidential election to remove limits on Putin's terms in office. The 50% of new Duma members who represent constituencies are liable to lobby for local interests. The low turnout suggests opposition-minded voters are demoralised or apathetic.


1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 857-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Junko Kato

In exploring the conflicts between individual interests and the conditions that facilitate the disintegration of a political party, this article modifies the exit, voice, and loyalty framework developed by Hirschman. The utility of that framework is examined using the recent change in Japan, that is, the demise of the so-called 1955 system, in which the predominant conservatives confined the socialists to the status of a major but perennial opposition party. The quantitative analysis focuses on the split of the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party and the internal dispute in the Democratic Socialist Party of Japan. These cases provide an interesting comparison of how individual characteristics and contextual conditions affect members' decisions to exercise exit and voice. At the same time, they illuminate how party-level changes have been influenced by intraparty factors.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-251
Author(s):  
Mikitaka Masuyama

Koizumi Junichiro's sweeping victory in the presidential primary of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) represents a palpable change in the national mood that may substantially affect the parliamentary conditions, although its impact on legislation is yet to be seen. In this essay, I briefly review the Diet in the past one year. In particular, the review deals with the legislative records in the 150–152 Diet sessions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-258
Author(s):  
Michael Rossi

The February 2020 parliamentary election marked a significant moment for Slovakia after years of public dissatisfaction with endemic corruption, political mismanagement, and unaccountable leadership associated with the political hegemony of Smer-SD and its leader Robert Fico. The resounding victory of the Ordinary People and Independent Personalities Party offers the country an opportunity to not only address the problems with Slovakia’s political culture of corruption and oligarchism, but also to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, and good governance. However, contrary to international expectations, the electoral demographic that chose Zuzana Čaputová as Slovakia’s new president in 2019 failed to secure enough votes to place any liberal democratic party in parliament, leaving the current legislature dominated by a collection of conservative, populist, and Eurosceptic parties. While seen by some analysts as a setback, the prognosis for Slovakian politics appears rather optimistic. This article assesses the outcomes of the February election and notes a continued pattern of political entrepreneurialism where the most successful parties tend to be those that promote broad-based issues of policy instead of any particular ideology, conservative or liberal. Slovakian politics might have been significantly influenced by a number of nationalist and conservative parties over the past three decades, but actual policy has been directed by opportunists instead of ideologues. This has enabled these larger entrepreneurial parties to adopt conservative elements into their programmes for electoral advantage instead of from actual conviction. This leaves open the possibility that entrepreneurial parties might gravitate towards more liberal democratic and even progressive policies should advantageous opportunities arise in the future. Given the current efforts by Slovakian political actors to break with past patterns of oligarchism, coupled with the discrediting of entrenched political elitism and the visible-yet-manageable threats from Slovakia’s far right, such outcomes are increasingly likely.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Václav Pravda

Summary This article elaborates on the issue of recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in the Russian Federation. It is common knowledge that foreign companies seeking R&E in Russia suffered damage because of the broad interpretation of Russian public policy in the past decades. However, it is uncertain how the present judicial development appears like and where it will lead in the future. The article specifically considers two basic ideas on the issue at hand: one is slightly critical (Karabelnikov) while the second is rather optimistic in regard with the recent development (Zykov). The main goal is to introduce the issue to the respective readers and to try to inflame a discussion.


Author(s):  
I. V. Bukhtiyarov

The article presents the results of the analysis of health, working conditions and prevalence of adverse production factors, the structure of the detected occupational pathology in the working population of the Russian Federation. The article presents Statistical data on the dynamics of the share of workplaces of industrial enterprises that do not meet hygienic standards, occupational morbidity in 2015-2018 for the main groups of adverse factors of the production environment and the labor process. The indicators of occupational morbidity over the past 6 years in the context of the main types of economic activity, individual subjects of the Russian Federation, classes of working conditions, levels of specialized occupational health care. The role of the research Institute of occupational pathology and occupational pathology centers in solving organizational, methodological and practical tasks for the detection, treatment, rehabilitation and prevention of occupational diseases is shown. The basic directions of activity in the field of preservation and strengthening of health of workers, and also safety at a workplace are defined.


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