scholarly journals From Public Enemy to Urban Ghost

Intersections ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulderico Daniele ◽  
Stefano Pasta ◽  
Greta Persico

Roma migration from Eastern countries has been one of the main topics of public debate in Italy in the last decade. Roma people have been depicted as the biggest threat to citizens’ safety, especially in the biggest cities, and have become the target of special securitarian measures that revive old stereotypes. At the same time, thanks to various European bodies, Roma people have also became the targets of ad hoc inclusionary policies, such as the National Strategy for Inclusion. The deconstruction of the camp system for nomads was one of the basic targets of all the interventions. This article describes what happened to Roma migrants during the last ten years – from the ‘Nomad Emergency’ of 2007 until the present-day dismantling of the nomad camp system. It focuses on Roma migrants who live in the two Italian cities where most of the Romanian Roma have settled since the beginning of the 21st century: Milan and Rome. The paper analyzes the public policies that were implemented by national and local authorities, and highlights some of the strategies that Roma migrants use to cope with the dismantling of the nomad camp system.

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-393
Author(s):  
Bruno Irion Coletto ◽  
Pedro Da Silva Moreira

The right to healthcare in Brazil is seriously protected by the courts. Judicialization of everyday implementation of this public policy is a fact. One explanation may be provided by the way judges understand the effectiveness of this right. People hold subjective right to individualized healthcare benefits, and so they hold standing to sue the state in order to achieve it, regardless any consideration of public policies. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence on this issue, this paper aims to provide a critical understanding not just about what is actually happening in Brazilian courts regarding healthcare, but also to criticize it. The conclusion is that a “strong” conception of constitutionalism and fundamental rights may revel itself as “weak,” from the standpoint of general equality. Judicialization ends up empting the public debate, leading the task of solving the distribution of scarce resources to a “gowned aristocracy.” 


2022 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Jean Fabricio Lopes Ferreira ◽  
Aulus Mandagará Martins

Resumo: Uma nova geração de poetas, geralmente vindos de classes mais baixas e que experienciaram o acesso ao ensino superior, graças às políticas públicas dos governos petistas, entre 2003 e 2016, tem sido chamada, por Alberto Pucheu, de Geração Lula. Neste artigo buscou-se analisar um pouco da produção de alguns poetas desse grupo e entendê-los à luz do que Marcos Siscar e Celia Pedrosa concebem por poesia brasileira contemporânea. Observou-se nos poetas selecionados uma ligação com a ideia de a poesia apresentar-se em um prosaísmo narrativo, uma liberdade temática e formal que, por vezes, pode coincidir em um ambiente de coletividade.Palavras-chave: Geração Lula; poesia brasileira contemporânea; poetisas.Abstract: A new generation of poets, usually from the lower classes and who have experienced access to college education due to the public policies of PT governments, from 2003 to 2016, has been called, by Alberto Pucheu, Geração Lula. In this article it was sought to analyze some of the production of a few poets of this group and to understand them in the light of what Marcos Siscar and Celia Pedrosa conceive for contemporary Brazilian poetry. It was observed in the selected poets a connection to the idea of poetry presenting itself in a narrative prosaism, a thematic and formal freedom that, sometimes, can coincide in a collective environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-393
Author(s):  
Bruno Irion Coletto ◽  
Pedro Da Silva Moreira

The right to healthcare in Brazil is seriously protected by the courts. Judicialization of everyday implementation of this public policy is a fact. One explanation may be provided by the way judges understand the effectiveness of this right. People hold subjective right to individualized healthcare benefits, and so they hold standing to sue the state in order to achieve it, regardless any consideration of public policies. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence on this issue, this paper aims to provide a critical understanding not just about what is actually happening in Brazilian courts regarding healthcare, but also to criticize it. The conclusion is that a “strong” conception of constitutionalism and fundamental rights may revel itself as “weak,” from the standpoint of general equality. Judicialization ends up empting the public debate, leading the task of solving the distribution of scarce resources to a “gowned aristocracy.” 


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-393
Author(s):  
Bruno Irion Coletto ◽  
Pedro Da Silva Moreira

The right to healthcare in Brazil is seriously protected by the courts. Judicialization of everyday implementation of this public policy is a fact. One explanation may be provided by the way judges understand the effectiveness of this right. People hold subjective right to individualized healthcare benefits, and so they hold standing to sue the state in order to achieve it, regardless any consideration of public policies. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence on this issue, this paper aims to provide a critical understanding not just about what is actually happening in Brazilian courts regarding healthcare, but also to criticize it. The conclusion is that a “strong” conception of constitutionalism and fundamental rights may revel itself as “weak,” from the standpoint of general equality. Judicialization ends up empting the public debate, leading the task of solving the distribution of scarce resources to a “gowned aristocracy.” 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.G. Solari ◽  
M.A. Natiello

AbstractWe present a mathematical model for the simulation of the development of an outbreak of COVID-19 in a slum area under different interventions. Instead of representing interventions as modulations of the parameters of a free running epidemic we introduce a model structure that accounts for the actions but does not assume the results. The disease is modelled in terms of the progression of viremia reported in scientific works. The emergence of symptoms in the model reflects the statistics of a nation-wide highly detailed database consisting of more than 62000 cases (about a half of the confirmed by RT-PCR tests) with recorded symptoms in Argentina. The stochastic model displays several of the characteristics of COVID-19 such as a high variability in the evolution of the outbreaks, including long periods in which they run undetected, spontaneous extinction followed by a late outbreak and unimodal as well as bimodal progressions of daily counts of cases (second waves without ad-hoc hypothesis). We show how the relation between undetected cases (including the “asymptomatic” cases) and detected cases changes as a function of the public policies, the efficiency of the implementation and the timing with respect to the development of the outbreak. We show also that the relation between detected cases and total cases strongly depends on the implemented policies and that detected cases cannot be regarded as a measure of the outbreak, being the dependency between total cases and detected cases in general not monotonic as a function of the efficiency in the intervention method. According to the model, it is possible to control an outbreak with interventions based on the detection of symptoms only in the case when the presence of just one symptom prompts isolation and the detection efficiency reaches about 80% of the cases. Requesting two symptoms to trigger intervention can be enough to fail in the goals.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 121-140
Author(s):  
Drs. Johan Snel

There is “no such thing as free (non-ideologically constrained) speech; no such thing as a public forum purged of ideological pressures or exclusions”. Stanley Fish’s famous thesis (1994) is illustrated by this case study on the public debate on freedom of expression in the Netherlands during the first decade of the 21st century. Far from serving tolerance or minority rights, as originally intended, it produced a whole line of argumentation that have excluded many from the public debate and filled it with a more exclusive content, especially regarding religion in general and Muslims in particular. A renewed identification with the toleration discourse would help the media in regaining their public role and will be helpful for journalists covering the debate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Apostolopoulos ◽  
Sotiris Apostolopoulos ◽  
Ilias Makris ◽  
Stavros Stavroyiannis

The public policies implemented in order to contain the spread of COVID-19 in the community have created issues both in the internal and the external environments of the Greek rural healthcare enterprises. This study aimed to investigate the full extent of the issues (internal and external) caused by the public policies. Regarding the external factors, we examined the state, the local authorities, the financial institutions, the social stakeholders and the citizens. Regarding the internal factors, we focused on turnover, liquidity, working conditions, internal changes related to patient care and the implementation of protective measures. A qualitative research was conducted among twelve rural healthcare business owners in the form of semi-structured interviews. The research was conducted in the fall of 2020 during the second phase of COVID-19. The research showed that these enterprises were severely impacted by the government’s public policies. Local authorities were not involved due to lack of competence. The business owners were unwilling to support their enterprises via bank lending. During the first phase of COVID-19, citizens postponed nonessential medical examinations, causing a reduction in these enterprises’ turnover. As a result, in the following periods, these enterprises faced liquidity problems. However, they developed social objectives and implemented protective measures for their employees and patients. The present study contributes to the mapping of the factors affecting the internal and external environments of rural healthcare enterprises along with the public policies developed in times of prolonged crisis. These kinds of data are crucial to the business world and government officials voting on social policies. One cannot rule out the possibility of a new financial or health crisis; the findings of this study can prove to be a useful tool in the process of decision making.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Håkon Larsen

Abstract The present paper examines the debate on the future of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Norway and Sweden in the 2000s. I have analysed the discourses on PSB that dominate the public debate in the two countries, the cultural policy related to PSB, as well as the legitimizing rhetoric of the Norwegian public service broadcaster Norsk rikskringkasting (NRK) and that of the Swedish public service broadcaster Sveriges Television (SVT). Theoretically, the analysis draws on normative theories on the role of PSB in promoting democracy, culture and a well-functioning public sphere, as well as theories on democracy and the public sphere per se.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-393
Author(s):  
Bruno Irion Coletto ◽  
Pedro Da Silva Moreira

The right to healthcare in Brazil is seriously protected by the courts. Judicialization of everyday implementation of this public policy is a fact. One explanation may be provided by the way judges understand the effectiveness of this right. People hold subjective right to individualized healthcare benefits, and so they hold standing to sue the state in order to achieve it, regardless any consideration of public policies. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence on this issue, this paper aims to provide a critical understanding not just about what is actually happening in Brazilian courts regarding healthcare, but also to criticize it. The conclusion is that a “strong” conception of constitutionalism and fundamental rights may revel itself as “weak,” from the standpoint of general equality. Judicialization ends up empting the public debate, leading the task of solving the distribution of scarce resources to a “gowned aristocracy.” 


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Demetrious

‘Hashtags’, ‘trending topics’, ‘mentions’ ‘likes, ‘retweets’: the 21st century is distinctive for a range of new communication technologies, social practices and discourses that have framed public debate as “authentic”, “participatory”, “empowering” and “organic”. In this article, I explore a 21st century public relations (PR) campaign that is promoting neoliberal “solutions” to complex social and environmental problems, namely Burson-Marsteller’s 2014 campaign for coal industry client, Peabody Energy. The ‘Advanced Energy for Life’ (AEFL) ‘comprehensive global campaign’ to promote the idea of ‘clean coal’ in the alleviation of ‘energy poverty’ is but one in a succession of campaigns deployed by the coal industry since the 1980s. This article examines the reception of the AEFL campaign in Australia from January 2014 to March 2017. In doing so, it traces the movement of campaign tropes in the public sphere as well as prominent Twitter activity. It asks what purpose did the tropes serve and how they propelled debate. It also asks if resistance on Twitter can disrupt the ‘long period of suspended animation’ in public debate on energy policy. In tackling these questions with a critical lens, it aims to develop a greater understanding of the influence of global PR campaigns such as Peabody’s AEFL in public debate in contemporary settings.


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