scholarly journals How Solidarity Influences Political Actors to Manage the Refugee Crisis: the Case of Proactiva Open Arms

Author(s):  
Gemma Álvarez-Jiménez ◽  
Maria Padrós-Cuxart

Europe is facing the worst humanitarian crisis since World War II, and the Mare Nostrum has become the path that millions of people are using to flee from the armed conflict, especially since the Syrian war began in March 2011. In this sense, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 1,014,973 people arrived to Greece, Italy and Spain by sea in 2015. Nevertheless, the Mediterranean area has become the scene of not only a humanitarian crisis but also citizens’ solidarity. In this sense, Proactiva Open Arms, an NGO mostly formed by lifeguards, has helped 135,000 people to reach the coast safely, 10,273 of whom sailed in wandering boats. Of these individuals, 475 fell into the water and 9,067 were trapped on the cliffs. Proactiva Open Arms’ work has driven European and Greek authorities to respond to refugees. In this paper, we analyse through this case how solidarity among civil citizens can change political actions and encourage other citizens to act in solidarity, as part of the H2020 European funded research project SOLIDUS.  

PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1886-1895 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Taylor

On 27 February 2009, The Essays for this PMLA issue on war were coming in, against a background of various wars. The Iraq War had claimed over 100,000 civilian lives. The newly elected Obama administration vowed to amp up efforts in Afghanistan. The rubble in Gaza still smoldered from the recent Israeli attacks. The ongoing conflict in Darfur had already left 300,000 people dead, not to mention the 2.5 million displaced. When President George W. Bush left office, his boundless war on terror had exacted more lives, money, civil-liberty concessions, and international goodwill than one could even begin to tally. These were just the newsworthy wars that happened to be featured that month in the New York Times. Other, “low-intensity” wars—the devastating fighting in East Congo, the ongoing Zapatista uprising, Colombia's fifty-year-old armed conflict, Sri Lanka's civil war, and similar struggles—simmered on the back burner. The topic of war seemed as urgent that February morning as it had two years earlier, when the editors proposed this special issue. Ironically, that morning's Times showcased “Weekend at War” in its Escapes section (Sokol). The oversize image showed a crowded ballroom full of happy dancers in World War II outfits swinging to a big band orchestra—the uniforms, insignia, hats, hairdos all conjured up another time. The caption read, “It's winter 2009, but for hundreds of reenactors, it's December 1944 at the Battle of the Bulge.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-131
Author(s):  
Fuat Albayumi ◽  
Nourma Meysita Hadi ◽  
Djoko Susilo

The armed conflict in Rakhine in 2017 caused a humanitarian crisis for the Rohingyas. This crisis resulted in the emergence of criticism towards Myanmar government for its refusal to offer humanitarian assistance to the victims of conflict. In spite of that, the Myanmar government has closed access for foreigners, including humanitarian aid. However, Indonesia have accepted to discuss the settlement of the case. This research will examine how Indonesia's diplomacy to resolve the crisis due to the conflict in Rakhine in 2017. This research uses research literature method to collect secondary data coming from reliable source. This research is using qualitative descriptive technique and analyzed to described or interpreted to obtain a complete picture of the answer to the problem under study. The results show that in resolving the crisis for Rohingya ethnic in 2017, Indonesia conducts humanitarian diplomacy, which includes communicating with the Myanmar and Bangladesh governments and foreign parties, acting as a liaison between the Myanmar government and the international community, and negotiating with Myanmar and Bangladesh governments regarding the settlement of the Rohingya refugee crisis.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayne Krisjanous ◽  
Djavlonbek Kadirov

© The Author(s) 2018. Human migration is often a result of flight from post-conflict socio-economic disintegration, where dysfunctional marketing systems exacerbate the suffering of people. Despite the potential trauma and disruption incurred, a move away to systems perceived to be better are favored. Using a historical research approach, this article focuses on the end of World War II that heralded an unprecedented humanitarian crisis involving millions of displaced persons, marshalled in Displaced Persons’ (DP) Camps. This investigation focuses on the “Beautiful Balts” megamarketing campaign in Australia, the promotion of a handpicked consignment of DPs from the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to host-to-be communities, in order to satisfy the economy’s growing need for fresh industrial labour input. The authors argue that this campaign was crucial in dismantling the “white only” frame through the use of the hitherto undocumented process of frame demystification. This campaign set the stage for the opening up of Australia to greater numbers of post-WWII DP migrants from different ethnicities and fundamental changes to beliefs and practices that configured Australian marketing systems of the day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe Spencer-Bennett

This article argues that metalinguistic documents in historical archives are a useful source for political discourse analysts to explore. With reference to the archives of the British Ministry of Information in World War II, it shows that such documents are revealing of the orders of discourse and the language ideologies that contribute to the production of political discourse. Archival documents can help us to understand the ways in which political actors conceive of the linguistic strategies that are typically the focus of our discourse analytic work. In a field which places great theoretical emphasis on the contextual significance of political language, archival documents thus represent a crucial, but hitherto overlooked, source of evidence. More specifically, the article demonstrates that the Ministry of Information’s civil servants paid a great deal of attention to language, working in highly reflexive ways to produce their discourse, and that one of the linguistic strategies that was particularly intensely discussed was the use of informal and personalised language. Those civil servants were working on a ‘synthetically personalised’ language half a century before discourse analysts began paying sustained attention to such a strategy.


This book in part owes its title to Carl von Clausewitz’s often-cited dictum “War is a continuation of politics by other means.” The nineteenth-century German thinker sought not to normalize armed conflict, but rather to show how a war’s nature, logic, and grammar are inextricably resident in a broader political or cultural context for each side involved. Just as Clausewitz posited nearly two hundred years ago, the Pacific’s unique geography imposes a discrete context for the logic of how people occupy, transit across, and struggle over its expanse. These essays show how living and fighting across the Pacific—before, during, and after World War II—have proven distinctive indeed....


1959 ◽  
Vol 105 (439) ◽  
pp. 326-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo Eitinger

In Norway, the refugee problem has not been quantitatively significant. On the other hand, we have many examples to show that refugee work and interest for the fate of refugees has had an important position in the awareness and interest of the Norwegian people. The fact that the Nobel peace prize has twice been awarded to the High Commissioner for refugee organizations also speaks for itself. After the Russian revolution and its suppression in 1905 a small wave of emigrants came to Norway, and likewise after the 1917 revolution. Moreover we note a very limited and controlled immigration of victims of Nazi oppression from Germany and the occupied territories until World War II. After the war Norway was faced with a series of problems in connection with the refugees. In the first place it was a question of repatriation of Norwegian prisoners in Germany and refugees in Sweden, there were the forced evacuees from Finmark to be sent home, and then, last but not least, all the foreigners who had involuntarily landed in Norway during the war. Of these 140,000 were “displaced persons“. These had been brought to the country by the Germans either as civil workers or forced labourers in “Organization Todt”, “Organization Speer” or as prisoners of war, mainly Serbs (Jugoslavs), Russians and Poles. According to a list published in the annual report of the Ministry of Labour for 1947 (1948) the following figures are given:


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J. William McCormick

Abstract While religion and democracy have been intertwined since World War II, scholars have made little of the connections between religion and populism, largely conceptualizing religion as a tool of populism. In this paper, however, I argue that Pope Francis' deployment of Catholicism resists such instrumentalization by populist politics, and offers resources for political ills underlying populism. I show that Francis' focus on the people allows him to capitalize on populist currents in global politics, while also reforming those currents into something more constructive than populism. I further explore how his political theology and institutional autonomy render his thought and example relatively impervious to appropriation by political actors.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 395-422
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic

The history of Montenegro in the 20th and the early 21st century shows that the divisions were very prominent, these including the moment when the Kingdom of Montenegro had been created (after 1918), the period during World War II (1941-1945) as well as the time when its state and legal position was to be resolved. Similar lines of divisions in the Montenegrin society became dominant again during the dissolution of former SFR Yugoslavia (1991-1999) as well as immediately before and after the referendum on the status of the state in 2006 concerning primarily the set of the so-called identity issues. Those issues include the images and contents of Montenegro?s state symbols, the official language (the Montenegrin language since 2007) and the status of the canonically unrecognised Montenegrin Orthodox Church. At the same time, the author points to the disagreements of political actors in Montenegro regarding its membership in the NATO. This prevents the possibility of achieving as broad as possible consensus on the foreign policy identity and orientation of this country. Finally, the author concludes that it is necessary to achieve a broad internal consensus and make a compromise in Montenegro concerning the set of identity issues mentioned above in order to prevent the traditional division in the society.


Author(s):  
S. Chugrov

The article deals with the unsolved territorial disputes inherited by East Asia countries (Japan, South Korea, China, Russia) after the World War II. It is shown how the countries of this region are trying to solve these problems or to use them in their own interests in domestic and foreign political actions.


1978 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 272-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Forsythe

At the Diplomatic Conference on Humanitarian Law held in Geneva from 1974 to 1977, it was pointed out that eighty percent of the victims of armed conflict since World War II have been created in noninternational armed conflict. Whatever the precision of this estimate, as of the mid-1970’s a number of important actors in world affairs were concerned about destruction of human values in internal war and sought restraints on that form of violence. This concern produced, as of June 10, 1977, a Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949 relating to the protection of victims of noninternational armed conflict.


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