scholarly journals Beyond Moral Coupling: Analysing Politics of Privacy in the Era of Surveillance

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heikki Heikkilä

The article calls into question the prevailing discursive construction in contemporary debate on privacy and surveillance. At the core of this discourse is a moral coupling wherein surveillance is perceived as enemy and privacy as friend. Even if this binary approach renders arguments for democratising data more persuasive, a political cost accompanies it. As this discourse situates political struggle at the level of digital infrastructure and political structures, the moral coupling largely overlooks the ambiguities of how people in their various activities in a digital environment experience surveillance and privacy. Such a framing may discourage users at large from engagement with politics of privacy. Edward Snowden’s autobiography is taken as a prominent example of the prevailing discourse. While analysing Snowden’s descriptions of privacy and surveillance critically, the author points out the specific value of life stories in describing what privacy means and why it matters. While we cannot assume all people to be equally capable of considering how their own life intersects with the history of their society, we can presume that varying life stories should contribute to the public knowledge of privacy. To provide the framework necessary for appropriately contextualising empirical evidence, the author presents a model wherein privacy is composed of five dimensions: solitude, anonymity, secrecy, intimacy, and dignity.

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel A. Morello-Frosch

Over the past two decades, several U.S. companies have sought to bar women from jobs that expose them to potential reproductive hazards, justifying these exclusionary policies by their professed concerns for the well-being of unborn children and potential liability. Although recent court cases have stimulated academic interest in this issue, a historical review of the public health and medical literature reveals that this debate is not new. To understand the logic behind the emergence of “fetal protection” policies, one must examine the scientific history of occupational teratogens and the sociopolitical and economic forces that have driven scientific research in this field. Using lead as an example, the author argues that research on the reproductive hazards of employment has historically emphasized the risks to women and downplayed the risks to men. This results in environmental health policies that do not uphold the ultimate goal of occupational safety for all workers, but rather reinforce the systemic segregation of men and women in the workplace. Although the political struggle over exclusionary policies has a feminist orientation, it also has important class dimensions and ultimately must be viewed within the broader context of American capitalist production.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
Zsuzsanna Bögre

Following 1989, the public discussion and examination of the history of secret police agents happened in an inadequate, unsatisfactory manner: Hungarian society was unable to come to terms with its former informers. This proved to be a loss not only for the victims, “the targets”, but also for the “observers”. The catharsis of asking and receiving forgiveness did not occur, although it could have lead to deliver provided relief also for those who were involved.The purpose of this essay is to describe the life story of E. V., who suffered a nervous breakdown when her fiancé was executed in 1957 during the post-revolutionary persecutions. Meanwhile the political police recruited her as an agent. Based on the available sources, it is possible to claim that after the Hungarian political transformation in 1989, E. V. reshaped her memory and her personal identity because she was unable to face her past. She claimed in her life history interview: “I am no relative or friend to anyone”.


2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 158-196
Author(s):  
Kevin Absillis

In zijn proefschrift N-VA. Analyse van een politieke ideologie (2012) tracht Ico Maly aan te tonen dat het gedachtegoed van de in 2001 uit de puinhopen van de Volksunie ontstane Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie schatplichtig is aan een hoogst kwalijke antiverlichtingstraditie en tot overmaat van ramp de publieke ruimte tegenwoordig zo beheerst dat het niet eens meer als een ideologie wordt herkend. Deze bijdrage bespreekt eerst enkele tekortkomingen in het onderzoek van Maly. Deze blijken het gevolg van slordigheid, onvolkomen kennis van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging, gebrekkige vertrouwdheid met nationalismetheorie en bovenal het al te drieste gebruik van het aan een overspannen studie van Zeev Sternhell ontleende begrippenpaar verlichting-antiverlichting. Wie echter enige clementie aan de dag wil leggen zou de auteur van N-VA. Analyse van een politieke ideologie ook het slachtoffer van zijn eigen overtuigingen kunnen noemen. Of juister, zoals het tweede deel van deze bijdrage wil verduidelijken: het slachtoffer van een kwarteeuw oude, zich als een tegen-discours omschrijvende denktraditie die het publieke debat rond Vlaams-nationalisme heeft beïnvloed en heeft bijgedragen tot een ook in een breder artistiek en intellectueel milieu gedragen antinationalisme. Onderhavige bijdrage wil wel begrip opbrengen voor de weerstand tegen nationalisme, maar betoogt dat die in het wetenschappelijk onderzoek tot intellectuele selectiviteit heeft geleid en de publieke opinie heeft opgezadeld met enkele hardnekkige en zeer ‘homogeniserende’ clichés rond Vlaanderen en Vlaams-nationalisten – dat laatste mag ironisch heten, omdat het tegen-discours juist wil uitblinken in antihomogeneïsme. Om het een en ander te illustreren gaat onderhavige bijdrage in op de geschiedenis, politiek-culturele context en centrale ideeën van het vermelde tegen-discours zonder aanspraak te maken op exhaustiviteit. De nadruk ligt op enkele frequente motieven die geconfronteerd worden met patronen uit een andere publieke discussie die sterk met het nationalismedebat verweven blijkt: het zogenaamde migrantendebat.________The Flemish Nationalist as a Discursive Construction. Reflections on N-VA. Analyse van van een politieke ideologie (N-VA. Analysis of a Political Ideology) (I. Maly, 2012)In his doctoral thesis N-VA. Analyse van een politieke ideologie (2012), Ico Maly tries to demonstrate that the ideas of the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, which rose from the ashes of the Volksunie in 2001, are indebted to a nasty anti-enlightenment tradition. To make matters worse, these ideas dominate the public sphere so much that they are no longer recognized as an ideology. The first part of this article discusses a few shortcomings in Maly’s research. These seem to be the result of sloppiness, incomplete knowledge of the history of the Flemish Movement, spotty familiarity with nationalism theory, and above all the all-too-audacious use of the conceptual dyad ‘enlightenment/anti-enlightenment’, itself borrowed from an overwrought study by Zeev Sternhell. In a sense, the author of N-VA. Analyse van een politieke ideologie could also be seen as a victim of his own convictions. Or, more accurately, as the second part of this article will illustrate: the victim of a quarter-century old tradition of thought that defines itself as a counter-discourse, which has influenced the public debate around Flemish nationalism and which has also contributed to an antinationalism which is flaunted in a broader artistic and intellectual milieu.The present article argues that this antinationalism has led to an intellectual selectivity in scholarly research and has sadd-led public opinion with a few dogged and  ‘homogenizing’ clichés about Flanders and Flemish nationalists. In order to illustrate this, the current contribution goes into the history, politico-cultural context, and the central ideas of the aforementioned counter-discourse, without making a claim to exhaustivity. The emphasis is on a selection of recurring motifs that are contrasted with patterns fom another public discussion that is shown to be intertwined with the debate on nationalism: the so-calles ‘migrate debate’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.


Author(s):  
Valentina M. Patutkina

The article is dedicated to unknown page in the library history of Ulyanovsk region. The author writes about the role of Trusteeship on people temperance in opening of libraries. The history of public library organized in the beginning of XX century in the Tagai village of Simbirsk district in Simbirsk province is renewed.


Author(s):  
Bashkim Selmani ◽  
Bekim Maksuti

The profound changes within the Albanian society, including Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia, before and after they proclaimed independence (in exception of Albania), with the establishment of the parliamentary system resulted in mass spread social negative consequences such as crime, drugs, prostitution, child beggars on the street etc. As a result of these occurred circumstances emerged a substantial need for changes within the legal system in order to meet and achieve the European standards or behaviors and the need for adoption of many laws imported from abroad, but without actually reading the factual situation of the psycho-economic position of the citizens and the consequences of the peoples’ occupations without proper compensation, as a remedy for the victims of war or peace in these countries. The sad truth is that the perpetrators not only weren’t sanctioned, but these regions remained an untouched haven for further development of criminal activities, be it from the public state officials through property privatization or in the private field. The organized crime groups, almost in all cases, are perceived by the human mind as “Mafia” and it is a fact that this cannot be denied easily. The widely spread term “Mafia” is mostly known around the world to define criminal organizations.The Balkan Peninsula is highly involved in these illegal groups of organized crime whose practice of criminal activities is largely extended through the Balkan countries such as Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro, etc. Many factors contributed to these strategic countries to be part of these types of activities. In general, some of the countries have been affected more specifically, but in all of the abovementioned countries organized crime has affected all areas of life, leaving a black mark in the history of these states.


2009 ◽  
Vol 160 (8) ◽  
pp. 232-234
Author(s):  
Patrik Fouvy

The history of the forests in canton Geneva, having led to these being disconnected from productive functions, provides a symptomatic demonstration that the services provided by the forest eco-system are common goods. Having no hope of financial returns in the near future and faced with increasing social demands, the state has invested in the purchase of forest land, financed projects for forest regeneration and improvement of biological diversity and developed infrastructures for visitors. In doing this the state as a public body takes on the provision of services in the public interest. But the further funding for this and for expenses for the private forests, which must be taken into account, are not secured for the future.


Author(s):  
Floor Haalboom

This article argues for more extensive attention by environmental historians to the role of agriculture and animals in twentieth-century industrialisation and globalisation. To contribute to this aim, this article focuses on the animal feed that enabled the rise of ‘factory farming’ and its ‘shadow places’, by analysing the history of fishmeal. The article links the story of feeding fish to pigs and chickens in one country in the global north (the Netherlands), to that of fishmeal producing countries in the global south (Peru, Chile and Angola in particular) from 1954 to 1975. Analysis of new source material about fishmeal consumption from this period shows that it saw a shift to fishmeal production in the global south rather than the global north, and a boom and bust in the global supply of fishmeal in general and its use in Dutch pigs and poultry farms in particular. Moreover, in different ways, the ocean, and production and consumption places of fishmeal functioned as shadow places of this commodity. The public health, ecological and social impacts of fishmeal – which were a consequence of its cheapness as a feed ingredient – were largely invisible on the other side of the world, until changes in the marine ecosystem of the Pacific Humboldt Current and the large fishmeal crisis of 1972–1973 suddenly changed this.


2020 ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
R. G. Kalustov

The article discusses the emergence and development, as well as existing approaches to understanding the concept of “public order”. The history of the formation of this category is examined by analyzing regulatory legal acts. This method allows you to track the change in value and determine how to correctly understand the “public order” today. Revealing the concept, ambiguity arises in understanding this category, in connection with which the most applicable approach is currently determined for use in practice by law enforcement agencies.


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