La valorisation des prestations non-bois: particularités genevoises (essai) | Commercialization of non-wood forest services: the case of Geneva (essay)

2009 ◽  
Vol 160 (8) ◽  
pp. 232-234
Author(s):  
Patrik Fouvy

The history of the forests in canton Geneva, having led to these being disconnected from productive functions, provides a symptomatic demonstration that the services provided by the forest eco-system are common goods. Having no hope of financial returns in the near future and faced with increasing social demands, the state has invested in the purchase of forest land, financed projects for forest regeneration and improvement of biological diversity and developed infrastructures for visitors. In doing this the state as a public body takes on the provision of services in the public interest. But the further funding for this and for expenses for the private forests, which must be taken into account, are not secured for the future.

2021 ◽  
pp. 77-83
Author(s):  
V. V. Mishchenko ◽  
I. K. Mishchenko

The article highlights the importance of a balanced structure of the economy in terms of the ratio of the production of goods and the provision of services; the history of specialization of the Russian Federation as a state and territorial entity, the key features of its structure are considered. Modern aspects of import substitution in Russia are described. A comment is made on the program “Import Substitution 2.0”, which is based on quotas for public procurement from Russian suppliers. Some problems and negative aspects of the state of implementation of the import substitution program in the Russian Federation are reflected. It is concluded that the measures for the development of import substitution were largely unsystematic, were of a fragmented nature, and in some cases even contradicted each other. Their implementation failed to optimize the structure of the economy. A set of measures to escalate import substitution is proposed, including the priority development of specific types of goods with a certain share of sales abroad and the coverage of import substitution in the sphere of services.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katariina Mustasilta

The continued influence of traditional governance in sub-Saharan Africa has sparked increasing attention among scholars exploring the role of non-state and quasi-state forms of governance in the modern state. However, little attention has been given to cross-country and over-time variation in the interaction between state and traditional governance structures, particularly in regard to its implications for intrastate peace. This study examines the conditions under which traditional governance contributes to state capacity to maintain peace. The article argues that the type of institutional interaction between the state and traditional authority structures influences a country’s overall governance dynamics and its capacity to maintain peace. By combining new data on state–traditional authorities’ interaction in sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2012 with intrastate armed conflict data, I conduct a systematic comparative analysis of whether concordant state–traditional authorities’ interaction strengthens peace. The empirical results support the argument that integrating traditional authorities into the public administration lowers the risk of armed conflict in comparison to when they remain unrecognized by the state. Moreover, the analysis suggests that the added value of this type of interaction is conditional on the colonial history of a country.


2002 ◽  
pp. 18-29
Author(s):  
Imre Bodó

Since the 1992 Rio de Janeiro UNO Congress domestic animals belong also officially to the genetic diversity of the world. Non commercial domestic animal breeds should be maintained for many cultural and technical reasons. Conservation and preservation of living beings is nowadays in the programme of many regional, national and international organizations.The preservation of domestic animals is possible in situ (at the original place and conditions) and ex situ (by cryogenic methods).There are three era in the history of preservation of domestic animals: the epoch of spontaneous maintenance, the period of sporadic national activities and the era of international programme.Some of the questions to be solved by scientific research: the principles of selection of the candidate populations for maintenance, the different degrees of endangeredness, the necessary population size to be subsidized, the problem of inbreeding, the best mating systems etc.In Hungary the maintenance of endangered domestic animal breeds is based upon the low.The following breeds are on the list of protected breeds:− the Hungarian Grey cattle,− the Lipizzan, Shagya, Nonius, Gidran, Furioso,Kisbér Halfbred, Murinsulaner and Hucul horses,− the Racka, Tsigai and Cikta sheep,− the Mangalitsa pig,− the Hungarian yellow, white, speckled and the Transsylvanian naked necked hen,− the Bronze Turkey,− the Frizzle Feathered goose.Hopefully in the near future the breeders of traditional domestic animal breeds will find the possible niches for their special products.


2021 ◽  
pp. 179-211
Author(s):  
Maxime Desmarais-Tremblay

The ancient Greek conception of oikonomia is often dismissed as irrelevant for making sense of the contemporary economic world. In this paper, I emphasize a thread that runs through the history of economic thought connecting the oikos to modern public economics. By conceptualizing the public economy as a public household, Richard A. Musgrave (1910–2007) set foot in a long tradition of analogy between the practically oriented household and the state. Despite continuous references to the domestic model by major economists throughout the centuries, the analogy has clashed with liberal values associated with the public sphere since the eighteenth century. Musgrave’s conceptualization of public expenditures represents one episode of this continuing tension. His defense of merit goods, in particular, was rejected by many American economists in the 1960s because it was perceived as a paternalistic intervention by the state. I suggest that the accusation of paternalism should not come as a surprise once the “domestic” elements in Musgrave’s conceptualization of the public sector are highlighted. I develop three points of the analogy in Musgrave’s public household which echo recurring patterns of thought about the state.


Author(s):  
Kristina Mani

The Honduran military has a long history of established roles oriented toward both external defense and internal security and civic action. Since the end of military rule in 1982, the military has remained a key political, economic, and social actor. Politically, the military retains a constitutional mandate as guarantor of the political system and enforcer of electoral rules. Economically, its officers direct state enterprises and manage a massive pension fund obscured from public audit. Socially, the military takes on numerous civic action tasks—building infrastructure, conserving forests, providing healthcare, and policing crime—that make the state appear to be useful to its people and bring the military into direct contact with the public almost daily. As a result, the military has ranked high in public trust in comparison with other institutions of the state. Most significantly, the military has retained the role of arbiter in the Honduran political system. This became brutally clear in the coup of 2009 that removed the elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Although new rules enhancing civilian control of the military had been instituted during the 1990s, the military’s authority in politics was restored through the coup that ousted Zelaya. As no civilian politician can succeed without support for and from the military, the missions of the armed forces have expanded substantially so that the military is an “all-purpose” institution within a remarkably weak and increasingly corrupt state.


2009 ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Marco Allegra

- The article addresses the issue of the relation between historiography and the political debate. It examines the historiographic works concerning the events which lead to the emergence of the State of Israel between 1947 and 1949 as one of the key-periods in the history of the contemporary Middle East. In particular, the analysis focuses on the debate originating in the mid 1980s on the revision of traditional Israeli historiography undertaken by the so-called ‘New Historians', of whom Benny Morris is a leading representative. By drawing on the notion of the ‘public use of history, the author reverses the perspective, showing how the academic debate itself is characterised by strongly polemical aspects. The historiographic research on 1948, to which the works of the New Historians provide the latest significant contribution in terms of analysis of new sources, constitutes a firmer knowledge than the tones of the debate would suggest. Key words: public use of history, Israel, New Israeli Historians, first Arab-Israeli war, Palestine, Israeli-Palestinian conflict.


1958 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Hughes

The Age of Electricity was foreshadowed by the “battle of the currents.” This almost forgotten controversy had important technological implications, but it is also a macabre chapter in the history of marketing tactics. Westinghouse's superior alternating current system was ingeniously attacked by proponents of direct current. Exploiting contemporary evidence from the penitentiary, the direct-current adherents declaimed against use by the public of a system employed by the state to rid itself of its most dangerous criminals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Susanto Polamolo

Indonesia pernah melalui masa sulit di rezim Orde Baru. Kala itu, segala sesuatu yang paralel dengan khususnya sejarah seputar perumusan dasar negara (Panca Sila), menjadi begitu sulit untuk diperoleh, apalagi untuk mengemukakan fakta yang sebenarnya. Penelusuran dokumen-dokumen sejarah begitu minim didukung pemerintah, dokumen-dokumen itupun tercecer di mana-mana, publik hanya diedukasi dengan pendidikan sejarah dari para sejarawan versi pemerintah saja. Bukan karena Orde Baru telah menjadi masa lalu, tetapi, karena apa yang disebut sebagai sumber-sumber primer perlu diperiksa kembali. Di antaranya seperti: Naskah UUD 1945, yang disusun M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI yang disusun oleh Sekretariat Negara; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, yang disusun oleh Nugroho Notosusanto (dkk); Piagam Jakarta, yang disusun oleh Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, yang disusun oleh Pranarka. Sumber-sumber ini diam-diam diterima, dan diam-diam pula diakui bermasalah, atau diragukan keotentikannya. Persoalan tersebut semakin diperjelas dengan temuan sejumlah arsip oleh para sejarawan tata negara seperti A.B. Kusuma, di mana sebelumnya, “Panitia Lima” (1975) telah pula menegaskan bahwa sumber-sumber yang dipakai pemerintah tidak valid, di antaranya adalah naskah yang disusun M. Yamin. Maka, sejarah perumusan Panca Sila kadang berada di jalan bersimpang, simpang batas-tegas pertentangan tentang keotentikan sumber sejarah, menjadi tugas utama agar sumber-sumber tersebut diuji satu dengan lainnya (metode heuristik dan konklusi eksplanatoris). Agar mengerucut satu kesimpulan yang utuh dan sistematis mengenai sejarah perumusan dasar negara dan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dikemukakan di dalamnya menjadi satu kesatuan pemahaman atas kenyataan, dan agar menguatkan sendi-sendi konstitusionalitas kita hari ini yang mulai tercerabut dari akar sejarahnya, bagaikan “inang yang dipaksa berpisah dari induknya”.Indonesia had been through a difficult period in the “Orde Baru” regime. At that time, everything parallel with history especially around the basic principle of the state (Panca Sila) became so difficult to obtain, especially to express the facts. The tracking of historical documents was so poorly endorsed by the government. The documents were scattered everywhere. The public was only educated with historical education from only government version historians. Not because the “Orde Baru” has become the past, but, because the so-called primary sources need to be checked again. Among them are: Naskah UUD 1945, compiled by M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI, prepared by State Secretariat; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, compiled by Nugroho Notosusanto (et.al); Piagam Jakarta, prepared by Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, prepared by Pranarka. The above sources are secretly accepted, and secretly admittedly problematic, or are doubted the authenticity. The issue was further clarified by the findings of archives by state historians such as A.B. Kusuma, in which before, the “Panitia Lima” (1975) had also asserted that the sources used by the government were invalid, one of them was the text compiled by M. Yamin. Thus, the history of Panca Sila sometimes in a stray way of disputes about the historical sources authenticity. That became the primary task for which resources were tested against each other (heuristic methods and explanatory conclusions). In order to conceal a whole and systematic conclusion about the history of the basic formulation of the state and the ideas expressed in it become a unity of understanding of reality, in order to strengthen the joints of our constitutionality today which begins to be uprooted from its historical roots, like “a host which is forced to apart from its main”.


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