scholarly journals ON THE QUESTION OF MODERN MYTHS. POLITICAL MYTH AS APPLIED MYTHOLOGY

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Victoria Omelchenko

In this article, the author argues that philosophy is a "methodology" of understanding. Hermeneutics is the theory and methodology of interpretation especially the interpretation philosophical texts. H.-G. Gadamer asserted that methodical contemplation is opposite to experience and reflection. We can reach the truth only by understanding or mastering our experience. According to H.-G. Gadamer, our understanding is not fixed but rather is changing and always indicating new perspectives. The most important thing is to unfold the nature of individual understanding. Hermeneutics is not just "art", but the methodology of "understanding." Accordingly, philosophy is the methodology of understanding and interpretation. Philosophy is a science with its own subject and object. Legal laws are not absolute, therefore they should be interpreted. It is the task of philosophy. Philosophy speaks the language of concepts and evidence. Concepts should be specific, clear, defined. Philosophical work is the formulation of concepts. On the basis of such understanding of philosophy, we will now study the question of "political myth". Scientific exploration is devoted to the study of the concept of "myth" and identifying the essential features of the "political myth". What is "political myth" of modernity? What language is he speaking? What appealed? In this intelligence proved that "political myth" is a communication system that distorts reality. It is established that every "political myth" has its own shelf life and the boundaries of its interpretation. It is confirmed that "political myth" is one of the most effective tools to meet political goals, such as achievement of power and its legitimation. It is proved that political discourse is irrational, and political speeches appeal to the argument of sensuous, not rational. "Political myth" models own "world picture", which is a simplified, taken for granted, self-evident. It is proved that the ability of critical judgment, ability to work with information and qualitative analysis from the mouth of the unbiased media and the expert environment, though not a panacea, but partially negate the "force," "political myth". Myth has an irrational basis, and controls the emotions with the help of stereotypes. The myth creates its own reality and creates the effect of solidarity of the masses. The essence of "political myth" is that he always addressed to specific audiences, takes into account the peculiarities of mentality. A dominant position in the "political myth" plays a stereotype. Any stereotype is formed on the generalizations. What is the difference between the stereotypes and myths? "A stereotype is a label", which is the context, but it there is no story. That is, the stereotype is a form, and the myth is content history. In addition, in this exploration of the role and value of such concepts as "political magic" and "political spectacle" in the context of "political mythology" as applied mythology.

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-38

The article introduces the creative work of the famous American playwright Sam Shepard, whose works are almost unknown to our Uzbek reader. His plays are well known throughout the world; they influenced the formation of the worldview of readers of different nations and show the peculiarities of American culture. Despite the worldwide fame of Sam Shepard’s works, they are not studied well by literary critics. In America and Europe his works have been studied in details for a long period, and even several monographs in English have been written. However, neither in the Russian speaking, nor in the domestic literary criticism there is yet no major work on Shepard's works. The article also deals with the artistic features of the political myth of the “American dream” in one of the most scandalous plays, “The God of Hell,” dedicated to the protest against the war in Iraq. Thus, this study, which touches upon some issues of Shepard's creative work in connection with his innovative artistic originality, to a certain extent, seeks to fill this gap.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Katrin Travouillon ◽  
Julie Bernath

Abstract The international community is as ubiquitous as it is elusive and its universalist pretensions remain unchallenged in political and academic discourse. In response, this article turns to Bottici's work on political myths. Against the notion of myths as falsehoods, we argue that they create their own sphere of shared social and political reality. The analysis centres on the case of Cambodia, a country that served as an experiment of liberal interventionism. It draws on archival and field research on two consecutive international interventions, a review of public statements by international actors, and interviews with Cambodian actors and activist. We argue that to understand the ideas actors use to orient themselves as they press for change, it is necessary to consider how decades of engagement with the myth have shaped the political imaginary. Our empirical analysis points to three different phases in the use of the myth: Its production during UNTAC, the reinforcement of its narratives through subsequent legal, aid and development interventions, and finally its contemporary use in a post-liberal context. We observe that Cambodian actors increasingly engage the myth to question the terms of transnational cooperation for democracy. Our work has implications for assessments of the legacies of liberal peacebuilding.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


2000 ◽  
Vol 351 (3) ◽  
pp. 833-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominik STOLL ◽  
Shouming HE ◽  
Stephen G. WITHERS ◽  
R. Antony J. WARREN

Incubation of the β-mannosidase Man2A from Cellulomonas fimi with 2-deoxy-2-fluoro-β-d-mannosyl fluoride (2FManβF) resulted in time-dependent inactivation of the enzyme (inactivation rate constant ki = 0.57min-1, dissociation constant for the inactivator Ki = 0.41mM) through the accumulation of a covalent 2-deoxy-2-fluoro-α-d-mannosyl–β-mannosidase 2A (2FMan–Man2A) enzyme intermediate, as observed by electrospray ionization mass spectrometry. The stoichiometry of inactivation was 1:1. Removal of excess inactivator and regeneration of active enzyme by transglycosylation of the covalently attached inhibitor to gentiobiose [Glcβ(1–6)Glc] demonstrated that the covalent intermediate was catalytically competent. Comparison by MS of the peptic digests of 2FMan–Man2A with peptic digests of native Man2A revealed a peptide of m/z 1520 that was unique to 2FMan–Man2A, and one of m/z 1036.5 that was unique to a Man2A peptide. Their sequences, determined by collision-induced fragmentation, were CSEFGFQGPPTW and FGFQGPPTW, corresponding to residues 517–528 and 520–528 of Man2A respectively. The difference in mass of 483.5 between the two peptides equals the sum of the masses of the tripeptide CSE plus that of 2-fluoromannose. It was concluded that in 2FMan–Man2A, the 2-fluoromannose esterified to Glu-519 blocks hydrolysis of the Glu-519–Phe-520 peptide bond, and that Glu-519 is the catalytic nucleophile in this enzyme. This residue is conserved in all members of family 2 of the glycosyl hydrolases. This represents the first ever labelling and identification of an active-site nucleophile in a β-mannosidase.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
Mubarra Javed ◽  
Naushaba Haq

This research paper explores the factors behind the political instability and economic inequality in Pakistan, especially during General Zia’s military regime as reflected in Nadeem Aslam’s novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’ (1993), in the light of the theory of New Historicism. The study highlights that the military intervened in political affairs and imposed martial law in 1977. The parliamentary democratic process in Pakistan did not get stability due to certain factors, such as feudal dynasty, social and economic inequalities, exploitation of masses, and low literacy rate. The feudal elites have always supported the military in this process to seek their vested interests, as their dominance over political affairs has been great. On the other hand, the masses’ dependency on their land for economic survival has worsened the situation. This study is based on a qualitative research approach and has been carried out by doing a textual analysis of the selected excerpts from the novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’. The findings reveal that the social composition of the feudal class has undermined the institution of democracy and caused political, social, and economic disintegration. It monopolized the institution of politics and made a way for the military to intervene in the political affairs of the country. Without the provision of social and economic justice, democracy cannot get stability in Pakistan.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tareq Kakarash ◽  
Alnasir Doraid

The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 309-314
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

In the center of the article author’s attention is the book “Twilight of Europe” by G. A. Landau, which is sometimes regarded as direct predecessor of O. Spengler’s works. The article is devoted to G. A. Landau’s views on the nature of political, social, and legal processes in Europe after the First World War. The special attention is paid to the circumstances that Landau believed to be the signs of European civilization ill-being: the collapse of empires, nationalism, and the inclusion of the masses in the political life. Accordingly, the emphasis is placed on Landau’s evaluation of such concepts as “militarism”, “empire”, “nation”, etc.


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