scholarly journals Online Rally as a Way of Exercising Political Rights

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-38
Author(s):  
A. A. Maksimov

The Internent as the information and telecommunication network has an increasing impact on the life of modern people, and digitalization affects almost all legal relations existing at the moment. The political rights of citizens that are increasingly being exercised through the Internet, have not become an exception. In 2020, the conduct of demonstrations and various public events on the Internet no longer surprises anyone. This method is becoming a more and more popular and mass method of expressing public opinion that attracts increased attention. The paper examines existing online forms of protest actions, explores their correlation with the current legislation, as well as the possibility of their normative regulation. The author analyzes and studies a new legal concept an online meeting, and also suggests options for its legal consolidation. The author comes to the conclusion about the need to expand the concept of public event and to include new forms of mass events in regulatory acts.

Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Armen HARUTYUNYAN

The contemporary democratic states consider the concept of political rights, especially the right to vote as a fundamental pillar above all other rights. The political rights are dominant only due to their implementation: people have an opportunity to exercise their power on the one hand, and transfer their power without any political upheavals on the other. In this regard, it is worth highlighting that the political rights are one of the corner-stone rights for modern democratic rule of law. According to this thesis, we can persist that the problems of the realization of political rights are decisive and highly important even for the declared and transitional democratic states. In this respect, the Republic of Armenia is no exception as the problems of the implementation of political rights are definitely the electoral rights. These rights are among the most acute social problems that young Armenian democracy has faced after the independence. The issues in implementation of the political rights are steadily coupled with the problems of imposing punishments for crimes directed against political rights. As the experience of the Republic of Armenia has shown, the number of crimes directed against political rights has increased over the years. The tendency of the growth of the above-mentioned crimes has objective and subjective reasons. Among the objective reasons, we can note the transitional character of Armenian democracy. As for justice, it should be noted that such problems are inherent in almost all transitional states and especially, for modern countries. It is easier to understand, when we observe the experience of communities, which try to pass from the totalitarian rails of state governance to democratic ones. From the other side, the social and economic reasons of the state, poverty of the population can be considered as an objective reason. In terms of subjective reasons, firstly, the disproportionate punishment for crimes directed against political rights should be pointed out, which are the central obstacles for the implementation of political rights.


2019 ◽  
pp. 934-945
Author(s):  
Nkiru C. Ezeh ◽  
Njideka V. Enwereuzo

The political rights of women remain greatly constrained by political structure and traditional practices which many believe are responsible for the exclusion of their interests in decision making process and development paradigms. Anchored on the Democratic Participant Media Theory and Public Sphere Theory, this study evaluated if Internet can mobilize and encourage women to voice their concerns and opinions on political matters. Survey conducted among 200 female academic staff members of universities in the south-east, Nigeria revealed that although the Internet provided the women with needed political information and interaction; it did not significantly induce their interest to participate in politics. The study recommends that women should aggressively utilize the opportunities provided by Internet by forming groups and networks where political issues are analyzed and discussed. Where the nature of relayed message is well focused, chances of using the Internet for inducing political participation can be enhanced.


Author(s):  
Nkiru C. Ezeh ◽  
Njideka V. Enwereuzo

The political rights of women remain greatly constrained by political structure and traditional practices which many believe are responsible for the exclusion of their interests in decision making process and development paradigms. Anchored on the Democratic Participant Media Theory and Public Sphere Theory, this study evaluated if Internet can mobilize and encourage women to voice their concerns and opinions on political matters. Survey conducted among 200 female academic staff members of universities in the south-east, Nigeria revealed that although the Internet provided the women with needed political information and interaction; it did not significantly induce their interest to participate in politics. The study recommends that women should aggressively utilize the opportunities provided by Internet by forming groups and networks where political issues are analyzed and discussed. Where the nature of relayed message is well focused, chances of using the Internet for inducing political participation can be enhanced.


2021 ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
Bogusław Dunaj ◽  

The Concern for the Polish Language at the Moment of Breakthrough Summary The Society of Friends of the Polish Language was formed in May 1920, soon after Poland regained independence, at the initiative of Kazimierz Nitsch. The Society remains active till this day (the only hiatus in its activities was due to the Nazi occupation). The Society’s goal has been the popularization of knowledge about the Polish language. This goal is realized with the help of the publications in the Society’s journal “Język Polski”, with open lectures, as well as with advanced training courses for teachers. In the second part of the article, the author discusses the developmental tendencies of the Polish language after the political-economic breakthrough of 1989, exploring threats accompanying these tendencies. Five groups of problems are explored: a) the issues concerning grammatical and lexical systems, b) the problems of text construction, c) changes in the stylistic varieties (the expansion of common Polish), d) vulgarization, e) ideologization of language. In the last part of the article, the author discusses the activities the Society ought to undertake at the present moment. Articles on various language-related phenomena still ought to be published, and diverse papers and open lectures still ought to be organized, however, it is also vital to use the Internet to disseminate the knowledge about linguistic problems concerning the Polish language


Author(s):  
Ben Epstein

This chapter shifts the focus to the third and final stabilization phase of the political communication cycle (PCC). During the stabilization phase, a new political communication order (PCO) takes shape through the building of norms, institutions, and regulations that serve to fix the newly established status quo in place. This status quo occurs when formerly innovative political communication activities become mundane, yet remain powerful. Much of the chapter details the pattern of communication regulation and institution construction over time. In particular, this chapter explores the instructive similarities and key differences between the regulation of radio and the internet, which offers important perspectives on the significance of our current place in the PCC and the consequences of choices that will be made over the next few years.


Author(s):  
Jack Santino

Since the nineteenth century, attention in folklore and folklife studies has shifted from viewing certain customary symbolic actions such as “calendar customs” and rituals of the life course to a more inclusive performance-oriented perspective on holidays and customs. Folklorists recognize the multiplicity of events that people may consider ritual and festival, and the porous nature of these categories. The concept of the “sacred” has expanded to include realms other than the strictly religious, so as to include the political and other domains, both official and unofficial. A comprehensive study of ritual and festival incorporates a close study of folk and popular actions as well as institutional ceremony. In the twenty-first century, approaching events as both carnivalesque and ritualesque allows folklorists to describe purpose and intention in public events, and to account for political, commemorative, celebratory, and festive elements in any particular event.


Author(s):  
Patrícia Nabuco Martuscelli

Abstract Refugees in Brazil have no political rights. However, problems with family reunification visas in the Brazilian Embassy in Kinshasa was a cause that united Congolese refugees in Brazil. This article analyzes the political articulation of this group in São Paulo. I conducted semi-structured interviews with refugees who act as spokespersons for this movement, and I analysed their strategies of organization, presentation of claims, and political pressure to solve this issue through analysis of documents produced by them and delivered to Brazilian authorities. Even though they had no success, they developed an organizational structure composed by a WhatsApp group for fast communication and periodic meetings in person in the centre of São Paulo. This structure can be used to demand other rights and to continue to pressure the Brazilian government.


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