LINKAGES AND STRATEGIES IN FILIPINO DIASPORA MOBILIZATION FOR REGIME CHANGE*

Over the last century, the activities of migrants and refugees have been crucial in homeland democratization. How does the relationship between the homeland and hostland shape their strategies? Comparing the activism of Filipinos in the U.S. and in the Netherlands from 1972–1982 against the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, this study shows that linkage influences the demands, arenas, and tactics of movement actors. Analysis of archival and interview data shows that activists in the U.S. pursued foreign policy lobbying due to strong linkage between the U.S. and the Philippines, which provided activists an accessible institutional target, channel, and resources for their claims making. In contrast, through transnational advocacy networks, Filipinos in the Netherlands engaged in naming and shaming in nongovernment tribunal due to weak Dutch-Philippine state relations. The article considers the relationship between two polities and societies as a shifting transnational field of relations that shapes the agency of actors in cross-border activism.

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Interacting Legal Norms and Cross-Border Divorce: Stories of Filipino Migrant Women in the Netherlands

MIGRATION LETTERS ◽

10.33182/ml.v16i4.669 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 16 (4) ◽

pp. 521-529

Author(s):

Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot

Keyword(s):

The Netherlands ◽

The Philippines ◽

Migrant Women ◽

Structured Interviews ◽

Legal Norms ◽

Global Migration ◽

Cross Border ◽

Filipino Women ◽

Transnational Social Spaces ◽

Filipino Migrants

The Philippines is one of only two states in the world in which absolute divorce remains largely impossible. Through its family laws, it regulates the marriage, family life and conjugal separation of its citizens, including its migrants abroad. To find out how these family laws interact with those in the receiving country of Filipino migrants and shape their lives, the present paper examines the case of Filipino women who experienced or are undergoing divorce in the Netherlands. Drawing from semi-structured interviews and an analysis of selected divorce stories, it unveils the intertwined institutions of marriage and of divorce, the constraints but also possibilities that interacting legal norms bring in the life of Filipino women, and the way these migrants navigate such norms within their transnational social spaces. These findings contribute interesting insights into cross-border divorces in the present age of global migration.

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“Spirituals and Temporals”

Catholic Social Science Review ◽

10.5840/cssr2021269 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 26 ◽

pp. 99-111

Author(s):

P. Bracy Bersnak ◽

Keyword(s):

The West ◽

History Of ◽

Church State Relations ◽

State Relations ◽

The Relationship ◽

The U.S

While Orestes Brownson’s works are the object of renewed interest, his writings on the relationship between Church and polity have received little notice. Some attention has been given to Brownson’s analysis of these issues in America, but little has been given to his views on Church and polity in Europe and the West more broadly. This article considers Brownson’s analysis of the history of Church-state relations in Europe to examine how it shaped his view of Church-state relations in the U.S. It then put Brownson in dialogue with subsequent Catholic debates in America about those relations down to the present.

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The Political Participation of Alevis: A Comparative Analysis of the Turkish Alevi Opening and the German Islam Conference

Nationalities Papers ◽

10.1017/nps.2020.49 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 1-18 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Ayca Arkilic ◽

Ayse Ezgi Gurcan

Keyword(s):

Comparative Analysis ◽

Political Participation ◽

The Political ◽

Transnational Advocacy ◽

Advocacy Networks ◽

Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽

German States ◽

The Relationship

Abstract This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis’ political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries.

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Transnational Human Rights Networks: Significance and Challenges

10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.354 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Hans Peter Schmitz

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Domestic Politics ◽

Transnational Activism ◽

Transnational Advocacy ◽

Advocacy Networks ◽

Amnesty International ◽

Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽

Cross Border ◽

New Type ◽

Global Affairs

Transnational human rights networks refer to a form of cross-border collective action that seeks to promote compliance with universally accepted norms. Principled transnational activism began to draw sustained scholarly attention after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and the creation of a new type of information-driven and impartial transnational activism, embodied in organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Scholarship on transnational human rights networks emerged during the 1990s within the subfield of International Relations and as a challenge to the state-centric and materialist bias of the field. In their 1998 book Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink describe the key role that transnational human rights groups play in global affairs. Focusing on rights-based activism, Keck and Sikkink show how transnational advocacy networks (TANs) can influence domestic politics. The concept of TANs is dominated by the purposeful activism of nongovernmental organizations and driven by shared principles, not professional standards. A number of studies have challenged the core assumptions about the effectiveness of principled human rights activism, arguing that international support plays no significant role compared to the autonomous efforts of domestic activists. One way to overcome these challenges and criticisms is for the transnational activist sector, as well as other types of non-state actors, to move beyond the principles/interests dichotomy and take a closer look at the internal dynamics of participant NGOs.

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The Work of Mothering

10.5622/illinois/9780252041440.001.0001 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Harrod J. Suarez

Keyword(s):

The Philippines ◽

Domestic Labor ◽

Reading Practice ◽

Jessica Hagedorn ◽

Filipino Diaspora ◽

Carlos Bulosan ◽

The World ◽

Political Conditions ◽

Alternative Practices ◽

The Relationship

The Work of Mothering: Globalization and the Filipino Diaspora argues for a strict relationship between the world-historical situation of the Philippines under empire, nationalism, and globalization and the phenomenon of overseas domestic labor, drawing on the contours that inform the latter but arguing that it is part of a much larger framework of nurture, care, and service structuring the relationship between the postcolonial Philippines and the world. It analyzes maternal figures in novels by Carlos Bulosan, Jessica Hagedorn, and Brian Ascalon Roley; short stories by Nick Joaquin and Mia Alvar; poems by Luisa Igloria; and a film by Kidlat Tahimik. By developing incisive readings of subtle, passing moments in these texts, The Work of Mothering opens up narratives within which the cultural, political, and economic logics of overseas Filipina/o migration, especially but not only domestic labor, emerges. It does so by advancing an archipelagic reading practice that addresses diasporic literatures and cultures without reinscribing them either within nationalist or global paradigms. In doing so, it draws crucially on debates within the sociology of globalization and cultural studies, offering a critical and innovative vantage point that identifies alternative practices of the maternal, pushing up against the historical and political conditions that manage Filipina/o identity for nationalism and globalization.

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CO2 EMISSIONS AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT

The Singapore Economic Review ◽

10.1142/s0217590815501179 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 60 (05) ◽

pp. 1550117 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

JOE-MING LEE ◽

KU-HSIEH CHEN ◽

CHIN-HO CHO

Keyword(s):

The Netherlands ◽

Co2 Emissions ◽

Financial Development ◽

Energy Use ◽

Oecd Countries ◽

Cross Sectional ◽

Eu Countries ◽

Cross Sectional Dependence ◽

The Relationship ◽

The U.S

This paper examines the relationships among CO2 emissions, energy use, GDP, and financial development for 25 OECD countries over the 1971–2007 period. From the results of the panel FMOLS and the cross-sectional dependence regression, we do not find any support for the existence of the EKC for OECD countries. Moreover, the results present that the coefficient of financial development to CO2 emissions is negative and statistically significant for eight countries (Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, and the U.S.). The findings of this study thus show that financial development can help EU countries to adjust their CO2 emissions.

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The Political Participation of Alevis: A Comparative Analysis of the Turkish Alevi Opening and the German Islam Conference

10.26686/wgtn.13250129 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Zekiye Arkilic ◽

Ayse Ezgi Gurcan ◽

Zekiye Arkilic

Keyword(s):

Comparative Analysis ◽

Political Participation ◽

The Political ◽

Transnational Advocacy ◽

Advocacy Networks ◽

Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽

German States ◽

The Relationship

This article focuses on the relationship between Alevis and the Turkish and German states. It does so by examining the Turkish Alevi Opening (2009–2010) and the German Islam Conference (2006–present), two unprecedented official platforms aimed at improving Alevis’ political participation. The study asks why such state-sponsored initiatives came into existence in Turkey and Germany, and why the German Islam Conference has proven more successful from the perspective of Alevis. It argues that even though the diffusion of EU norms and pressure from transnational advocacy networks have increased awareness regarding the Alevi issue, domestic factors have been more salient in the emergence and outcome of these initiatives in both countries.

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12. Social Movement, Trade Unions, and Advocacy Networks

Democratization ◽

10.1093/hepl/9780199233021.003.0012 ◽

2009 ◽

Author(s):

Federico M. Rossi ◽

Donatella della Porta

Keyword(s):

Social Movement ◽

Trade Unions ◽

Urban Areas ◽

Political Organization ◽

Transnational Advocacy ◽

Advocacy Networks ◽

Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽

Democratic Regimes ◽

The Social ◽

The Relationship

This chapter explores the relationship between social movements, trade unions, and transnational advocacy networks of resistance to non-democratic regimes in the global wave of democratization. It considers views from social movement studies within the democratization literature as well as views of democratization within the social movement literature. It also examines the diverse roles played by movements, depending on the type of democratization process and the stage in which mobilizations emerge (resistance, liberalization, transition to procedural democracy, consolidation, expansion). The chapter identifies a host of factors that produce the most favourable setting for democratization, including a non-syndical strike wave and/or a pro-democracy cycle of protest; increased political organization in urban areas, and a relatively dense resistance network; and the existence of pro-democratic elites able to integrate the demands for democracy coming from below (at least until transition is well initiated).

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The role of licit and illicit transnational networks during the Troubles

Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland ◽

10.7228/manchester/9781784995287.003.0006 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Devashree Gupta

Keyword(s):

Northern Ireland ◽

Coalition Formation ◽

Transnational Advocacy ◽

Advocacy Networks ◽

Transnational Advocacy Networks ◽

The Troubles ◽

Cross Border ◽

And Function ◽

And Diffusion

From the beginning of the Troubles, groups in Northern Ireland deliberately sought and made use of transnational allies to further their political goals and gain strategic advantages vis-à-vis their opponents. Organizations on both sides of the conflict turned to external allies, including diaspora groups, like-minded movements, and groups with ideological affinities for accessing resources, expanding and practicing their tactical repertoires, and strengthening their claims to legitimacy. While the existence of this transnational dimension of the Troubles is well documented, the differences among cross-border networks—how they were structured, how they functioned, and their impact on the dynamics of the conflict—are less well understood. Drawing on social movement theory, particularly work on transnational advocacy networks, coalition formation, and diffusion, this chapter compares the structure and function of two types of cross-border networks that resulted: licit ties that publicly connected two or more groups, and illicit ties that allowed groups to forge secretive connections with potential allies.

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