“Spirituals and Temporals”

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 99-111
Author(s):  
P. Bracy Bersnak ◽  

While Orestes Brownson’s works are the object of renewed interest, his writings on the relationship between Church and polity have received little notice. Some attention has been given to Brownson’s analysis of these issues in America, but little has been given to his views on Church and polity in Europe and the West more broadly. This article considers Brownson’s analysis of the history of Church-state relations in Europe to examine how it shaped his view of Church-state relations in the U.S. It then put Brownson in dialogue with subsequent Catholic debates in America about those relations down to the present.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-30
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Fylypovych ◽  
Anatolii Kolodnyi

The article is devoted to relations between Church and the Ukrainian State and analysis of their current state and prospects of development. The authors analyze some state–church approaches to the relationship between State and Church based on Ukrainian legislation and social concepts of churches. The main task of a modern state is to guarantee freedom of conscience to citizens and provide conditions for free functioning of religious organizations. Church also assumes certain responsibilities to the state and society. The article provides an overview of the attitude of the Catholic, Greek Catholic and Orthodox Churches to power. Referring to the practice of state-church relations and church-state relations in Ukraine, the authors deduce that the subjects of these relations do not yet demonstrate the appropriate level of culture of this relationship, and do not follow the rules of partnership between Church and State. The authors admit a possibility to constructively criticize each other’s positions and make mutual demands, contextualizing their interests and needs while forming this culture. At the same time, State should get rid of the remnants of Soviet totalitarian control over the activities of Church, and Church should renounce patronage and servility. For both State and Church, in the sphere of mutual relations, taking into consideration world models of civilized relations between them and referring to their own history of these relations and existing experience of communication with each other, there should be established a high culture of dialogue between State and Church, between secular and spiritual authorities.


Author(s):  
Peter Linehan

This book springs from its author’s continuing interest in the history of Spain and Portugal—on this occasion in the first half of the fourteenth century between the recovery of each kingdom from widespread anarchy and civil war and the onset of the Black Death. Focussing on ecclesiastical aspects of the period in that region (Galicia in particular) and secular attitudes to the privatization of the Church, it raises inter alios the question why developments there did not lead to a permanent sundering of the relationship with Rome (or Avignon) two centuries ahead of that outcome elsewhere in the West. In addressing such issues, as well as of neglected material in Spanish and Portuguese archives, use is made of the also unpublished so-called ‘secret’ registers of the popes of the period. The issues it raises concern not only Spanish and Portuguese society in general but also the developing relationship further afield of the components of the eternal quadrilateral (pope, king, episcopate, and secular nobility) in late medieval Europe, as well as of the activity in that period of those caterpillars of the commonwealth, the secular-minded sapientes. In this context, attention is given to the hitherto neglected attempt of Afonso IV of Portugal to appropriate the privileges of the primatial church of his kingdom and to advance the glorification of his Castilian son-in-law, Alfonso XI, as God’s vicegerent in his.


1983 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amechi Okolo

This paper traces the history of the relationship between Africa and the West since their first contact brought about by the outward thrust of the West, under the impetus of rising capitalism, in search of cheap labour and cheap raw material for its industries and expanding markets for its industrial products, both of which could be better ensured through domination and exploitation. The paper identifies five successive stages that African political economy has passed through under the impact of this relationship, each phase qualitatively different from the other but all having the common characteristic of domination-dependence syndrome, and each phase having been dictated by the dynamics of capitalism in different eras and by the dominant forces in the changing international system. Its finding is that the way to the latest stage, the dependency phase, was paved by the progressive proletarianization of the African peoples and the maintenance of an international peonage system. It ends by indicating the direction in which Africa can make a beginning to break out of dependency and achieve liberation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter W. Roberts ◽  
Ray Reagans

AbstractNotwithstanding the observed positive correlations between critics' quality ratings and wine prices, the range of these correlations is quite high. In light of this, researchers must consider the factors that either strengthen or weaken the association between quality ratings and prices. In this paper, we propose that the slope of the relationship between quality ratings and wine prices is moderated by the amount of attention that producers receive. Because attention increases with a producer's critical exposure (i.e., its history of critical coverage), price-quality relationships will be steeper for producers with more critical exposure. This prediction is confirmed in an analysis of New World wines selling into the U.S. market over the 1987 to 2001 period. While a wine's price is a positive function of its own quality rating, the strength of the price-quality relationship increases with a producer's critical exposure (JEL classifications: L11, L13, L15).


2020 ◽  
Vol 104 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Meghann Walk

This history examines the relationship between 21st century early college high schools and a longer tradition of adolescents attending college, uncovering powerful roots, distinctive breaks, and reforged alliances. Why did these schools, designed so students earn up to an associate’s degree before graduation, come into being when and where they did? How have they—and the movement behind them—developed over the course of two decades? The essay closes with a consideration of the contemporary funding landscape and where early college high schools currently fit in the U.S. educational terrain.


1963 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Nineham

GH. Williams and N. F. Cantor have both attempted in recent years to solve the problem of the authorship of the anonymous treatises of MS. C.C.C.415 and E. H. Kantorowicz has mapped out a place for him in the history of the development of political theory. The thirty-four tracts of this manuscript, with their variety of subject matter and lines of approach, including theocratic kingship, Gelasian political theory, neo-Donatism, bitter anti-Gregorianism and a nostalgia for the purity of the primitive church, present a fascinating puzzle in the history of Anglo-Norman Church-State relations. They have been considered by some to represent the earliest sparks of Wycliffism in England, and even to one writer the first indications of the peculiar ethos of the Anglican Communion.


Author(s):  
Scott Amos

Martin Bucer’s Kingdom of Christ [De Regno Christi] was written while he was in exile in England. It served as advice to King Edward VI (ruled 1547–53) on how to pursue more effectively reform of the English Church and commonwealth, and as constructive criticism of what had been done. The treatise was a summary of Bucer’s thinking on the relationship between church and society, and on how the Gospel should influence every aspect of life, resulting in the establishment of the rule of Christ in this world. The treatise is in two books; the first describes what constitutes the Kingdom of Christ, the second is a plan of action built on fourteen laws for reform of church and all of society. Though it is not a theological treatise in a narrow sense, the work makes substantial contributions to the doctrine of the church, church–state relations, and the conduct of the Christian life (especially church or Christian discipline).


1951 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Huntston Williams

If we are correct in saying that for the Arians the relationship of the Logos-Son to the Father was primarily a cosmological problem and for the Catholics primarily a soteriological problem, we should be able to go on and point to corresponding differences in the liturgical ethos of the rival parties and more specifically to divergent conceptions and practices connected with the Eucharist, resulting from differing conceptions of the role of Logos-Son. We do find, despite the meagre materials on the Arian side, divergent emphases that will be seen to bear on the behavior of the two parties in the ecclesio-political struggle of the fourth century.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 269-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Welch Larson ◽  
Alexei Shevchenko

Since 2003, Russian foreign behavior has become much more assertive and volatile toward the West, often rejecting U.S. diplomatic initiatives and overreacting to perceived slights. This essay explains Russia’s new assertiveness using social psychological hypotheses on the relationship between power, status, and emotions. Denial of respect to a state is humiliating. When a state loses status, the emotions experienced depend on the perceived cause of this loss. When a state perceives that others are responsible for its loss, it shows anger. The belief that others have unjustly used their power to deny the state its appropriate position arouses vengefulness. If a state believes that its loss of status is due to its own failure to live up to expectations, the elites will express shame. Since the end of the Cold War, Russia has displayed anger at the U.S. unwillingness to grant it the status to which it believes it is entitled, especially during the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, and most recently Russia’s takeover of Crimea and the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis. We can also see elements of vengefulness in Russia’s reaction to recognition of Kosovo, U.S. missile defense plans, the Magnitsky act, and the Snowden affair.


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