scholarly journals Pius IX in 1846-1848 - the Liberal Pope?

Author(s):  
Katsiaryna A. Kimlenka

The paper discusses the first years of the pontificate of Pius IX (1846-1878), when the newly elected head of the Catholic Church was perceived as a “liberal Pope”. On the one hand, in 1846-1848 Pius IX was the Pope who carried out reforms and announced an amnesty. On the other hand, in the same period he criticized rationalism and created censorship commissions. The paper is another attempt to answer the question whether Pius IX was indeed a “liberal” Pope at the beginning of his pontificate. Special attention is given to the Pope’s policy during 1847. It was the time when the Papal States’ population expected the continuation of the reform process. The paper raises the question of Cardinals’ impact on the Pope, as well as on the pace of reform in the Papal States. Another key issue is the response of Pius IX to the revolutionary movement in Italy. The author concludes with the significance of the Pope’s refusal to struggle against Austria for the further development of the process of Italian Unification.

Author(s):  
Olena Osadcha

The article deals with the development of the model of students’ independent work under conditions of distance learning. The importance of the research into this problem is determined, on the one hand, by the growing possibilities of using various information technologies and, on the other hand by the necessity to adapt to the conditions of today’s world where independent work of students is becoming increasingly important. The advantages and disadvantages of distance learning have been explored. The author studied the role of independent work in the formation of the professional competences of students. The issue of modeling in the area of education has been tackled. The approaches to the development of the model of independent work have been identified and analyzed. The components of the model, such as the goal, the tasks, the content, the methods, the means and evaluation of results have been determined and characterized. The prospects of further development of this research are related to the exploration of models of independent work of students majoring in different areas.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-217
Author(s):  
FRANK VAN EYNDE

Sign-Based Construction Grammar (sbcg) is, on the one hand, a formalized version of Berkeley Construction Grammar (bcg), and, on the other hand, a further development of constructionist Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (hpsg). The volume edited by Hans Boas and Ivan Sag is the first book length presentation of the framework. Its centerpiece is a 130-page synopsis of the theory by Ivan Sag. The other contributions to the volume provide background, justification, case studies, an extension to diachronic syntax and a presentation of the FrameNet Constructicon. This review gives a guided tour of the framework, explaining its central notions and assumptions, as well as the notation in which they are cast. It also compares the sbcg framework with other types of Construction Grammar and with hpsg. The case studies are summarized and briefly evaluated.


1987 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lothar Laux ◽  
Hannelore Weber

In this concluding article we discuss the three approaches to biographical stress and coping research presented in this issue, under four main headings. The first topic comprises the comparison of the three approaches with regard to their biographical features. In a second part we turn to the issue of coping and examine differences as well as similarities between the coping concept of Hans Thomae, on the one hand and that of Lazarus and Folkman on the other hand. The third and fourth of our discussion points deal with two central topics, that are accentuated in present personality psychology: the person‐situation issue and the idiographic‐nomothetic debate. With regard to both topics, we discuss the ideas and research findings which Lazarus and Folkman, as well as Thomae are contributing to these issues. We conclude our discussion of biographical approaches to stress and coping by proposing a person‐centred approach, that can be regarded as a further development of theoretical conceptualizations contained in the approaches of Lazarus and Thomae.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
John Tofik Karam

Este trabalho indaga sobre a aparente “mistura” de massihiyin (cristãos em árabe), tanto da igreja ortodoxa do patriarcado antioquina quanto dos ritos maronita e melquita (ou oriental) que pertencem à igreja católica romana. Argumenta-se que a “mistura” significa não a diluição mas a contenção e a conversibilidade da diferença. Por um lado, os maronitas, os melquitas e os ortodoxos de origem árabe adotaram o catolicismo de rito latino, protestantismo e em menor grau, espiritismo, umbanda e candomblé. Por outro lado, os brasileiros sem nenhuma ascendência árabe se converteram às denominações maronita, melquita e ortodoxa. A diferença cristã árabe é construída e contida no que o antropólogo Richard Wilk chamou de “estrutura da diferença comum”. O conteúdo cultural assume uma forma “mutuamente inteligível,” se variável, na chamada “mistura”. Em vez de ser um benefício ou direito outorgado do Estado laico, a construção minoritária desses e outros sujeitos revela a própria contradição ainda não-resolvida do laicismo. This work explores  the apparent “mixture” of massihiyin (Christians in Arabic), both from the Orthodox Church of the Antiochian Patriarchate and from the Maronite and Melkite (or Eastern) rites that belong to the Roman Catholic Church. It is argued that “mixing” means not dilution but containment and convertibility of difference. On the one hand, Maronites, Melchites and Orthodox of Arab origin adopted the Catholicism of Latin rite, Protestantism and to a lesser extent, Spiritism, Umbanda and Candomblé. On the other hand, Brazilians with no Arab ancestry converted to the Maronite, Melkite and Orthodox denominations.  Arab Christian difference is constructed and contained in what anthropologist Richard Wilk called "the structure of common difference". Cultural content takes on a “mutually intelligible” form, if variable, in the so-called “mixture”. Instead of being a benefit or right granted by the secular state, the minority construction of these and other subjects reveals the  unresolved contradiction of secularism and the secular state.Este trabajo indaga sobre la aparente "mezcla" de massihiyin (cristianos en árabe), tanto de la Iglesia Ortodoxa del Patriarcado Antioqueño como de los ritos maronitas y melkitas (u orientales) que pertenecen a la Iglesia Católica Romana. Se argumenta que "mezclar" significa no dilución sino contención y convertibilidad de la diferencia. Por un lado, los maronitas, melquitas y ortodoxos de origen árabe adoptaron el catolicismo de rito latino, el protestantismo y, en menor medida, el espiritismo, el umbanda y el candomblé. Por otro lado, los brasileños sin ascendencia árabe se convirtieron a las denominaciones maronita, melquita y ortodoxa. La diferencia cristiana árabe está construida y contenida en lo que el antropólogo Richard Wilk llamó "la estructura de la diferencia común". El contenido cultural adquiere una forma "mutuamente inteligible", si es variable, en la llamada "mezcla". En lugar de ser un beneficio o un derecho otorgado al estado secular, la construcción minoritaria de estos y otros temas revela la contradicción muy no resuelta del secularismo.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Pasternak

The article examines the metric repertoire of poems by G.R. Derzhavin in the collected works prepared by himself (Vol. 1–4. St. Petersburg, 1808; Vol. 5. St. Petersburg, 1816). A statistical analysis of the metrics of poems in the first three volumes and in the 5th volume (Vol. 4, which contains dramatic works, was not considered) shows that two tendencies coexist in Derzhavin's work. On the one hand, a large number of poems are written in the usual meters, such as four-foot iambic or four-foot trochee, while statistically the number of poems written in such “usual” meters does not at all coincide with the general trends of the time. It can be assumed that in terms of the distribution of meters according to the number of verses, Derzhavin is ahead of his time. On the other hand, metric experiments are also not uncommon in the “Works”. The poet uses iambic and trochaic varieties, which are not very common in the late 18th – early 19th centuries, three-syllable meters; each volume contains polymetric compositions. There are also more radical experiments: for example, several logaedos or works in which the ancient metric is imitated, but ineptly, which leads to the emergence of texts such as “Polyhymnii”, whose size eventually coincides with the tactician. In the “Works” not all of Derzhavin’s poems are collected, but only those that he wanted to present to the public, therefore, we can assume that, since this corpus of verses was best known to the poet’s readers, including readers-poets, these verses, including number in terms of the choice of meters and their distribution over the volume of poems, could have the most obvious versification influence on the further development of Russian poetry among all the poet’s verses.


Author(s):  
Melchior Jakubowski

In the descriptions of Bukovуna as the new Habsburg province and in the records of the Roman Catholic Church various terms for ethnicity have functioned, sophisticatedly related to the religious denominations. Either all Orthodox inhabitants were described as Moldavians, or a difference between Orthodox Moldavians and Orthodox Ruthenians was marked. For Ruthenians (Orthodox and Greek Catholic) and their language there was no common name. All Roman Catholics were sometimes considered as Germans and Hungarians. Despite that, Catholic Church in Bukovуna from its beginning was multi-ethnic and multi-language. The ambiguity of terms is shown by the problem with distinguishing Catholic Poles and Slovaks. On the other hand, there was even a case of mistaking Ruthenians for Poles. Ethnicity and confession in Bukovina were entangled with each other, but with no strict connection, like the one functioning in Galicia (Polish Roman Catholics and Ruthenian Greek Catholics). The situation was much more complicated. The mixture of ethnicities among the faithful in both Orthodox and Catholic Churches was a factor of highest importance for the development of famous Bukovуnian tolerance. Keywords: Bukovina, ethnicity, religion, terminology


1972 ◽  
Vol 18 (69) ◽  
pp. 22-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Carpenter

During the latter part of the reign of James II, the Church of Ireland was in a position of considerable delicacy. On the one hand, there was a real fear that the church would face annihilation at the hands of the ruling administration; if the threats of the catholic population had come to fruition, if the statutes passed by the Jacobite parliament of 1689 had been put into effect or if the Tyrconnell administration had remained in power any longer than it did, this fear would almost certainly have been realized. On the other hand, by the spring of 1689, Anglican churchmen could see that a Williamite victory might spell for them—as it did for the Church of Scotland—summary disestablishment. Most Irish Anglicans had already fled to England, thereby lending support to the Williamites; the northern presbyterians had actually taken up arms on the Williamite side. Only the remnant of the Church of Ireland left in Dublin seemed to be disloyal to the protestant king: and this remnant, to save its skin, had to continue outwardly loyal to its de jure and de facto monarch, James II. Whatever the outcome of the war which they all foresaw, the leaders of the remnant of the Church of Ireland can have held little hope for the future. A Jacobite victory would almost certainly mean the triumph of the catholic church and the despoiling of the Church of Ireland: a Williamite victory might well mean the triumph of the presbyterians and a partial disestablishment. In either case the Church of Ireland, dependent for its very existence on a firm establishment, would founder.


2020 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Иоанн Курмояров

После распада СССР Украина оказалась в самом центре глобальных геополитических процессов, в результате которых все стали свидетелями обострившегося противостояния между западной и восточно-европейской цивилизациями. Противостояния, которые продолжаются уже не одно столетие. Одним из главных участников этого процесса является Украинская греко-католическая церковь, которая изначально создавалась, а впоследствии использовалась, как таран, применяемый Ватиканом для своего продвижения на Восток. С одной стороны, в Гаванской декларации Святейший Патриарх Московский и всея Руси Кирилл и Папа римский Франциск согласились, что недопустимо использовать неподобающие средства для принуждения верующих к переходу из одной Церкви в другую, пренебрегая их религиозной свободой и их собственными традициями, а также что метод «униатизма» прежних веков, предполагающий приведение одной общины в единство с другой путем ее отрыва от своей Церкви, не является путем к восстановлению единства. С другой стороны, на канонической территории Украинской Православной Церкви на Востоке Украины уже появляются форпосты католичества - новые храмы общины УГКЦ. В сентябре 2019 г. в Риме прошло очередное заседание синода УКГЦ. After the collapse of the USSR, Ukraine found itself at the very center of global geopolitical processes, as a result of which everyone witnessed an escalated confrontation between Western and East European civilizations. Confrontations that have been going on for centuries. One of the main participants in this process is the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, which was originally created, and subsequently used by the Vatican to advance to the East. On the one hand, in the Havana Declaration, His Holiness Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Cyril and Pope Francis agreed that it is unacceptable to use inappropriate means to force believers to move from one Church to another, neglecting their religious freedom and their own traditions, and that the method «Uniatism» of previous centuries, which implies bringing one community into unity with another by separating it from its Church, is not a way to restore unity. On the other hand, Catholic outposts - new churches of the UGCC community - are already appearing on the canonical territory of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in eastern Ukraine. In September 2019, in Rome, was held the another meeting of the Synod of the UGCC.


Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

The Old Serbian writer Theodosius wrote his Life of St Sava according to the older hagiography composed by Domentianus in 1253/4. Both authors were Hilandar monks and wrote the hagiographies of the first Serbian archbishop on Mount Athos. Unlike Domentianus?s work, Theodosius?s Life has not been dated with precision. Helpful in establishing the date of his Life of St Sava are its manuscript copying tradition and reception in Serbian literature and the analysis of its content. This paper shows that from 1317 the Serbian writers Nicodemus and Daniel II drew on Theodosius?s hagiography, which pushes its date further back into the past. On the other hand, the content of the Life suggests that it was written between 1284 and 1292 because it refers to the river Sava as Serbia?s border with Hungary (which it became in 1284), and describes the monastery of Zica as it was before the destruction it sustained in 1292. Both pieces of information have long been noticed and properly explained. Helpful in establishing the date of writing with more precision may also be an examination of the reasons which led to the writing of a new hagiography of St Sava only thirty years after the one written by Domentianus. Among several possible explanations proposed so far, the one discussed in detail here is the different attitude of the two hagiographers towards Rome and the Roman Catholic Church. In Theodosius?s case, it is markedly disapproving. Therefore, the assumption that the union of Lyon (1274-1282) and the developments on Mount Athos linked with it were the reason for writing a new hagiography is accepted and strengthened with further arguments. The new Life gave a much more idealized hagiographic portrayal of St Sava and enriched his image with a new perception of Orthodoxy which made sense only at the time of the triumphant mood inspired by the failure of the union. The proposed conclusion is that Theodosius did not begin writing his Life of St Sava until after 1285, when the condemnation of the patriarch John Bekkos of Constantinople and his teachings put an end to the union of Lyon. The Life could not have been written much after that year either because its tendentiousness had lost all significance already in the 1290s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Halemba

Based on an analysis of existing literature on Marian apparitions and field research-based case study from contemporary Transcarpathian Ukraine, this article asserts that an interpretation of Marian apparitional movements as a form of acquiescence to the authoritarian and conservative vision of the Catholic Church is too simplistic. The Virgin Mary appears in moments of crisis that are often caused or exacerbated by conflicts, especially ecclesiastical ones and it is also true that the sites of apparitions often do give a voice to those critical of modern changes. However, they are not always instrumentalized in support of conservative ideas. To the contrary, Marian apparitions are often sites of religious experimentation and innovation. On the one hand the Church can be extremely skeptical of or even hostile to apparitional events, still on the other hand the Church makes use of them as places of religious modernization with an aim to revitalize religious adherence.


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