scholarly journals Hybrid Perspectives: Muslim and Secular Discourses in French Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-325
Author(s):  
Aprillia Firmonasari ◽  
Wening Udasmoro ◽  
Roberta Salzano

Increased immigration, especially from Muslim-majority countries, has been broadly debated in French socio-political life. Frictions have been common between two groups: Muslims and non-Muslims who identify themselves as 'defenders of secularism'. At the same time, however, hybrid strategies have emerged in which Muslims and non-Muslims have sought to culturally and socially adapt themselves. Through a review of online French media published between 2017 and 2020, as understood using social constructivism, this study explores these groups' construction of hybrid identities. Discourses were analyzed to identify their ideological schemes, utterances, references, and arguments, with linguistic analysis facilitated by NVIVO software. Analysis shows that the hybrid discourses of non-Muslim 'defenders of secularism' have been more prominent than those of Muslims. Furthermore, the narrative tendencies of these hybrid discourses indicate that non-Muslim groups have sought to promote diversity in religious practices in France, while Muslim groups have sought to integrate themselves into broader French society.Meningkatnya jumlah imigran, terutama imigran muslim menjadi persoalan sendiri pada kehidupan sosial politik Prancis. Seringkali terjadi gesekan-gesekan narasi mengenai keislaman antara dua kelompok, yaitu kelompok muslim; dan non-muslim yang melabelkan dirinya sebagai ‘pembela sekularitas’. Namun di sisi lain, muncul pula narasi hibrid yang memuat strategi adaptasi budaya dan sosial dari kelompok muslim maupun kelompok non-muslim. Maka dari itu, penelitian ini membahas konstruksi wacana hibrid pada dua kelompok tersebut di media online Prancis dari tahun 2017 sampai 2020 dengan menggunakan perspektif konstruktivitis sosial dalam masyarakat menurut Lev Vygostky. Data wacana dianalisis dengan skema ideologis, tuturan, referensial dan argumentasi dengan melihat konteks wacana dengan menggunakan alat bantu linguistik NVIVO. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa wacana hibrid dari kelompok non-muslim ‘pembela sekularisme’ lebih tinggi daripada wacana hibrid dari kelompok muslim. Selain itu, pola-pola narasi konstruksi wacana hibrid menunjukkan bahwa kelompok kelompok non-muslim bersikap terbuka dengan adanya keberagaman agama dan praktik keagamaan di negara Prancis; dan kelompok muslim berkeinginan untuk dapat berintegrasi dengan masyarakat Prancis.

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 126-147
Author(s):  
Anna I. Wójcik

This paper describes Confucian ceremonies and the objectives that were assigned to them in socio-political life and religious practices, as well as the artistic and spiritual journey aimed at self-realization.


Author(s):  
Ourania Polycandrioti

The longevity of the magazine Revue des Deux Mondes, its position among the French magazines, its contents, contributors and directors, all prominent scholars of France, establish the Revue des Deux Mondes as an important record of intellectual and political life in the nineteenth century, as well as of the way in which the West in general and France in particular regarded contemporary Greece during the same period. This study aims to provide an overview of all Greek-themed articles in the magazine from 1829 to 1899, with the purpose of exploring the various aspects of ancient and contemporary Hellenism, in relation to France’s foreign policies as well as the activities of the French School at Athens.


Author(s):  
Olivier Rozenberg

This chapter examines France’s paradoxical relationship with the European Union by focusing on the heterogeneity of adaptation to the EU. While public policy and legislation are becoming increasingly Europeanized, the EU has a limited impact on political life and the domestic institutional system. As a result of this mixed situation, the national narratives for supporting French membership of the EU suffer from progressive erosion and Euroscepticism subtly gaining ground. The chapter first considers patterns in France’s EU membership before discussing the impact of EU membership on public opinion and political parties. It then looks at the Europeanization of French politics and the impact of EU membership on French institutions as well as public policy. The chapter argues that France has changed by joining the EU, contrary to what a large body of recent work suggests.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Toscano

AbstractThis article reconsiders Marx’s thinking on religion in light of current preoccupations with the encroachment of religious practices and beliefs into political life. It argues that Marx formulates a critique of the anticlerical and Enlightenment-critique of religion, in which he subsumes the secular repudiation of spiritual authority and religious transcendence into a broader analysis of the ‘real abstractions’ that dominate our social existence. The tools forged by Marx in his engagement with critiques of religious authority allow him to discern the ‘religious’ and ‘transcendent’ dimension of state and capital, and may contribute to a contemporary investigation into the links between capitalism as a religion of everyday life and what Mike Davis has called the current ‘reenchantment of catastrophic modernity’.


The Oxford Handbook of French Politics provides a comprehensive and comparative overview of political science research on France. The volume brings together established and emerging scholars who specialize in the study of France to reflect on the evolution of the French political system through the lens of political science. The Handbook is organized into three sections: the first sectionidentifies foundational concepts for the French case, including chapters on republicanism and social welfare; the second focuses on thematic large-scale processes, such as identity, governance, and globalization; and the third section examines a wide range of issues relating to substantive politics and policy, among which are chapters on political representation, political culture, social movements, economic policy, gender policy, and defense and security policy. Throughout the volume contributors aim to place France in comparative perspective. To what extent have scholars integrated international and comparative work in their study of France? Has scholarship on France shaped the study of political life outside France? To help answer these questions contributors systematically provide a state-of-the-art review both of the comparative scholarly literature on their topic as well as the work on France. From this basis they also provide suggestions as to how the study of French and comparative politics might move forward in the coming years. In these ways, the Oxford Handbook of French Politics will be highly attractive both to scholars of France and also to scholars of comparative politics and political science more generally.


Author(s):  
Robert Elgie ◽  
Emiliano Grossman ◽  
Amy G. Mazur

The larger comparative theory-building and stocktaking goals and questions, and the plan of the book, are presented in this chapter. The major dynamics and developments of French political life are discussed in terms of explaining and understanding the evolution of French politics. The next section provides an overview of French political science to situate the analysis of the study of French politics both inside and outside France in the chapters that follow. The outside-in/inside-out approach of the book is next highlighted in terms of how the vast majority of the chapters follow a common three-part comparative framework: the development of the study of French politics first outside and then inside France and then the emerging research agenda. The chapter then outlines the book’s structure in three sections: conceptual foundations, large-scale processes, and comparative politics dimensions—institutions; parties, elections, and voters; civil society; and policy and policymaking, both domestic and international.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 1041-1056 ◽  
Author(s):  
MUSTAPHA KAMAL PASHA

AbstractThe language of the ‘postsecular’ acknowledges the enduring presence of faith in politics, repudiating secularisation theses claiming diminution or privatisation of religion in social and political life. In cognitive and experiential worlds, those presumably unfettered by these conceptions (for example, the Islamic Cultural Zones or ICZs), the postsecular presents a different order of challenge and possibility. The term ICZs refers to Muslim majority areas informed by transnational subjectivities loosely connecting varied Islamic societies around symbolic commonality, memory, and historical experience. The term stresses the plurality of Islamic cultural experience, albeit distinguished by recognisable semiotic markers, without essentialising Islamic identity. This article questions the hegemonic view pervasive in both secular and postsecular theorising of the fiction of immutability of faith in the ICZs and recognises its rupture and displacement under conditions of late modernity. The ontological dislocation in the character of religion itself under conditions of late modernity opens up the possibility to account for the assumed resistance of Islam to secular modernity, but also to explain Islam's imbrications in politics read under the sign of Political Islam. Paradoxically, under the condition of late modernity, a more homogenised Islam appears to crystallise in the ICZs at odds with an ‘open’ Islam.


1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Judt

During the first half of the French Third Republic, before 1914, certain regions of France established themselves as ‘red’, areas where the extreme left of the political spectrum could rely on strong and regular popular support. One of the outstanding features of this geographical ‘partition’ of French politics was the extent to which the ‘red’ areas were located in the countryside, notably in the departments of small peasant property in the south. Radicals, socialists and latterly communists have all benefited from this fact of French political life, consistently carrying at elections departments such as the Creuse, the Haute Vienne, the Allier, Gard, etc. Contemporaries and historians alike have observed this phenomenon with some surprise, and we are now witnessing a concerted effort by French historians and political scientists to find convincing explanations for it. This article is intended as a contribution to the continuing debate.


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-154
Author(s):  
Stanley Hoffmann

After a summer of ill humor came an autumn of scandals, and French political life hesitates between immobility and fragmentation. For many years now it has resembled an endless boxing match with countless rounds ; as soon as the elections to the European Parliament (discussed in the previous issue of this Review) were over, all thoughts and maneuvers moved on to the next round : the Presidential election of 1981. De Gaulle, blasting the Fourth Republic, had talked of its games, poisons and delights. In the current phase of the Fifth Republic, the delights are few, the poisons can be deadly and the games are sterile.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1069-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Duverger

To any observer the French party system is bewildering. On the one hand, he sees that ten parliamentary groups are officially established in the National Assembly (not including the Overseas Independents); and, at the same time, he notes that only five of them are really organized throughout the country, and so entitled to be considered “parties” in the true sense of the word: the RPF, the Radicals, the MRP, the Socialists, and the Communists. On the other hand, he observes that the ablest French specialists in electoral sociology—particularly André Siegfried and his disciple, François Goguel—consider that, behind the apparent profusion of political groups, two basic divisions are always found, the continuing opposition of which has supplied for more than a century the essential dynamics of French politics. These two divisions are, of course, the Right and the Left, traditionally called “Order” and “Movement.” Nevertheless, the brief history of the Fourth Republic reveals an attempt to break down these two blocs, and to build a “Third Force” from smaller units. Under various names, such a Third Force has governed France from March, 1947, to March, 1952; and if our hypothetical observer will look back and analyze the political life of the Third Republic, he will find the same tendency there, not so marked and not so strong, but always present.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document