scholarly journals Indonesian Muslim killings: revisiting the forgotten Talang Sari tragedy (1989) and its impact in post authoritarian regime

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wahyudi Akmaliah

Although the Talang Sari tragedy as a part of the representation of Indonesian Muslim oppression during the authoritarian regime, it is relatively lesser known for Indonesian public. The avoidance of the most Indonesian Muslim who did not support it is one of those facts. Indeed, they did a less attention to talk and to articulate the case to the public. This paper intends to revisit the case of the Talang Sari as one of the unsolved human rights violation during the authoritarian regime. It is not only exploring the case and also examining the context of violence, but also tracing dynamic of the case during and post of authoritarian regime by the emergence of Islah agreement as cultural impu- nity to forget the past for many victims. The questions deals with in this paper are following: what kind of conditions that made the Talang Sari was happen- ing in East Lampung in 1989, South Sumatra during the Suharto presidency? How did the Suharto regime control the discourse of the tragedy in Indone- sian public that eventually encourage most Indonesian Muslim did not actively respond the killings? Although the reformasi era gives an opportunity break silences by asking justice to the current Indonesian government on hu- man rights violation, why those cases, especially the Talang Sari, are unsolved? This paper divided into three parts to answering the questions. Firstly, it is to understand the case of Talang Sari by discussing the context of the New Order’s policy on Indonesian Muslim and its political ideology. Secondly, it is to read deeply mass media in making discourse on the case as one of the triggers for most Indonesian Muslim did not respond it. Thirdly, it is to analyze the Islah agreement (reconciliation in Islamic term) as the primary factor that contrib- uted why cultural impunity has seemingly embedded to bring justice to the victims of violence generally in the post of Suharto regime. Meskipun Peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai bagian dari representasi penindasan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia selama rejim otoriter berkuasa, peristiwa itu jarang diketahui oleh publik Indonesia. Pengabaian kebanyakan Muslim Indo- nesia yang tidak mendukung upaya penyelesaian kasus tersebut adalah salah satu buktinya. Bahkan, mereka tidak membicarakan dan mengangkat kasus Talang Sari di ruang publik. Artikel ini bermaksud melihat kembali peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai salah satu kasus pelanggaran yang belum diselesaikan. Selain mengeksplorasi kasus, menjelaskan konteks kekerasan, artikel ini juga menelusuri dinamika kasus tersebut sebelum dan pasca rejim Orde Baru, khususnya seiring dengan kemunculan Islah sebagai Impunitas Kultural untuk melupakan masa lalu oleh sebagaian korban. Pertanyaannya yang diajukan dalam artikel ini adalah: kondisi-kondisi semacam apa yang membuat kasus Talang Sari terjadi di Lampung Timur pada tahun 1989, Sumatera Selatan saat presiden Suharto berkuasa? Bagaimana rejim Suharto mengontrol wacana peristiwa tersebut yang membuat kebanyakan masyarakat Islam Indonesia tidak menanggapi peristiwa tersebut? Meskipun pasca rejim Orde Baru memberikan kesempatan untuk menyelesaikan kasus tersebut dengan mendesak untuk mengajukan keadilan kepada pemerintah Indonesia, mengapa peristiwa Talang Sari tidak atau belum diselesaikan hingga sekarang?. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut, saya membagi penjelasan ini kepada tiga bagian. Pertama, memahami kasus Talang Sari dengan mendiskusikan konteks kebijakan rejim Orde Baru dalam menghadapi umat Islam dan ideologi politiknya. Kedua, membaca lebih dalam media cetak dalam membuat wacana peristiwa tersebut melalui liputan yang dibuat. Asumsi ini diajukan karena liputan media tersebut menjadi salah satu penyebab mengapa kebanyakan umat Islam tidak merespon peristiwa tersebut. Ketiga, menganalisis persetujuan Islah, rekonsiliasi dalam perspektif Islam sebagai faktor utama yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap impunitas kultural untuk membawa keadilan ke jalan yang lebih sulit kepada korban secara umum pasca rejim Suharto.

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyoung Song

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 601
Author(s):  
María Soledad Catoggio

This paper systematizes and analyzes the links and exchanges between the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense (EAAF)) and the world of religion. My hypothesis is that these links are inextricable from the mode of operation that defined the EAAF, which can be called “forensic activism”. This kind of activism, outside the State, combined scientific expertise with humanitarian sensitivity, defined by its autonomy from the human rights movement and the national scientific system (both academic and university). Moreover, religion emerged constantly from the type of work undertaken, between the living and the dead. Thus, beliefs, with their prohibitions, rituals, and ways of making sense of suffering and their tools for coming to terms with grief, coexisted with the EAAF’s development. These findings emerge from a qualitative research design combining document analysis, in-depth interviews, and participative observation of scientific disclosure open to the public provided by the EAAF over the past three years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 805-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Kenyon Lischer

AbstractAfter a genocide, leaders compete to fill the postwar power vacuum and establish their preferred story of the past. Memorialisation, including through building memorials, provides a cornerstone of political power. The dominant public narrative determines the plotline; it labels victims and perpetrators, interprets history, assigns meaning to suffering, and sets the post-atrocity political agenda. Therefore, ownership of the past, in terms of the public account, is deeply contested. Although many factors affect the emergence of a dominant atrocity narrative, this article highlights the role of international interactions with genocide memorials, particularly how Western visitors, funders, and consultants influence the government's narrative. Western consumption of memorials often reinforces aspects of dark tourism that dehumanise victims and discourage adequate context for the uninformed visitor. Funding and consultation provided by Western states and organisations – while offering distinct benefits – tends to encourage a homogenised atrocity narrative, which reflects the values of the global human rights regime and existing standards of memorial design rather than privileging the local particularities of the atrocity experience. As shown in the cases of Rwanda, Cambodia, and Bosnia, Western involvement in public memory projects often strengthens the power of government narratives, which control the present by controlling the past.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shihan (David) Ma ◽  
Andrei P. Kirilenko

Tourism is one of the sectors of the economy that is most dependent on climate, creating multiple vulnerabilities and new opportunities arising with changing climate. Even though the links between tourism and climate have been well researched, this scientific knowledge has not percolated into policies and the ability to act. This disconnect between scientific knowledge and practices is frequently blamed on inadequate climate change communication to the public in mass media. We studied the mass media framing of climate change and tourism by analyzing English newspaper publications worldwide over the past 30 years. The paper presents a Big Data analysis of the content, geographical patterns, and temporal changes in newspapers’ publications on climate change and tourism.


JURNAL BELO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-157
Author(s):  
Juanrico Alfaromona Sumarezs Titahelu

Over the past few years these crimes have been growing more rapidly and disturbing the public. In the criminal acts of terrorism have become increasingly destructive form of crime with global scope. The Government has issued Government Regulation (decree) No. 1 of 2002 on Combating Criminal Acts of Terrorism. Then on April 4, 2003 decree that legalized as Law No. 15 Year 2003 on Eradication of Terrorism. But in reality proving criminal acts of terrorism is still a lot that is not in accordance with the existing rules, which means that there are many deviations that occur in the process of proving the criminal act of terrorism. Proving that in many criminal acts of terrorism against the rules of the higher law (Criminal Procedure Code) in comparison with the criminal act of terrorism law itself (Law No.15 of 2003). So that there are obstacles in proving the crime of terrorism is one of the Human Rights in value has been violating basic human


Jurnal HAM ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Oki Wahju Budijanto

AbstrakPenghayat Kepercayaan masih mengalami diskriminasi, khususnya dalam penghormatan hak-hak sipilnya. Hal ini berakar dari “perbedaan” yang lahir dari pengakuan negara atas agama dan perlakuan berbeda kepada “agama” dan “kepercayaan”. Pada Pemerintahan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla salah satu agenda prioritas adalah memprioritaskan perlindungan terhadap anak, perempuan dan kelompok masyarakat termajinalkan, serta penghormatan HAM dan penyelesaian secara berkeadilan terhadap kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM pada masa lalu menjadi momentum tepat untuk penegakan HAMnya. Pertannyaannya, implementasi penghormatan Hak Asasi Manusia bagi penghayat kepercayaan di Kota Bandung. Tulisan yang didasarkan pada penelitian bersifat deskriptif analisis dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif pada tataran implementasi (khususnya Kota Bandung), para penghayat kepercayaan tidak mengalami kendala dalam memperoleh layanan kependudukan dan catatan sipil. Namun demikian masih terdapat penolakan masyarakat umum terhadap pemakaman bagi para penghayat kepercayaan di tempat pemakaman umum. Penolakan ini tentu bertentangan dengan Pasal 8 ayat (2) Peraturan Bersama Menteri Dalam Negeri dan Menteri Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Nomor 43 Tahun 2009 dan Nomor 41 Tahun 2009 tentang Pedoman Pelayanan Kepada Penghayat Kepercayaan Kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, maka pemerintah daerah menyediakan pemakaman umum.Kata Kunci: Penghormatan HAM, Hak-Hak Sipil, Penghayat KepercayaanAbstractBelief adherent still experience discrimination, expecialy respect of their civil rights. it is rooted in the “difference” is born from the recognition of the state of religion and different treatment to “religion” and “belief”. In Government Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla which one of the priority agenda is to prioritize the protection of children, women and marginalized groups of society, as well as respect for human rights and equitable settlement of the cases of human rights violations in the past an appropriate moment to better provide the respect of human rights.This paper based of research which is descriptive analysis with normative juridical approach in terms of implementation (particularly the city of Bandung), the seeker of confidence not having problems in obtaining settlement services and civil records. However, there is still a general public rejection of the funeral for the seeker of confidence in the public cemetery. This rejection against to Article 8 (2) Joint Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Culture and Tourism No. 43 of 2009 and No. 41 of 2009 on Guidelines for Care To Belief adherent in God Almighty, the local government provides the public cemetery.Keywords: Respect of Human Rights, Civil Rights, Belief Adherent


Populasi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin

Rape is not a new phenomenon in the human history, and is continuously regarded as a tragic social issue. Rape as the mechanism of domination and control has been exercised by great nations in the past. Rape perpetually furnishes the international agenda from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the latest conference on Violence Against Women in Valencia, Spain on November, 24-26, 2000. The conference stipulates that rape is the violation against humanity which put women as the victims.The paper will focuse on how rape has been used as the means of domination and control of women, either individually and collectively. The paper will also explore theframeworks which illustrate rape as the means of domination which is parallel to colonialization. pinally, the paper will show the shifting paradigm from rape as 'man to man' issues to women rights issues. Women's struggle to affirm rape as human rights violation has made a significant progress by the establishment of The International Tribunal on mass rape as a crime against humanity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 700
Author(s):  
Yogi Zul Fadhli

Judicial review as an extraordinary legal effort has constitutionally regulated by Indonesian law. However, in the administrative court, related with the dispute of location determination for the public interest, judicial review is dispensed by the Article 19 of Supreme Court Regulation No. 2 of 2016. Those article is unconstitutional because theoretically contrary with the Constitution of Indonesia and disharmonious in the types, hierarchy and substantive of the proportionality principle. Thus, human rights violation is rising especially for the people that being victims of land grabbing of development project for the public interest and disorganize of the system procedures in administrative court.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 648-651
Author(s):  
Svitlana Bevz ◽  

The article is devoted to the problem of ensuring balance in the realization of two fundamental human rights and freedoms in a democratic society – the right to freedom of speech and privacy. It has been concluded that the rights to freedom of speech and privacy are recognized as fundamental human rights that do not conflict with each other but are intangible, inherent in every person. The right to freedom of journalism is a continuation of the right to freedom of speech and information and consists in the collection, storage, and dissemination of socially important information through the mass media. The usage of the rights in question, including in the mass media actions, may not be grounds for restricting or violating the right of everyone to privacy, the confidentiality of correspondence, correspondence, telephone conversations, and entails criminal liability in cases provided by law. In the public interest, the law provides grounds for exempting a journalist from criminal liability for disclosing confidential information, in particular in the case of disclosure of information of public interest or has already been published in other media, or concerns officials of public authorities.


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