scholarly journals Religion, Human Rights, and Forensic Activism: The Search for the Disappeared in Latin America

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 601
Author(s):  
María Soledad Catoggio

This paper systematizes and analyzes the links and exchanges between the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense (EAAF)) and the world of religion. My hypothesis is that these links are inextricable from the mode of operation that defined the EAAF, which can be called “forensic activism”. This kind of activism, outside the State, combined scientific expertise with humanitarian sensitivity, defined by its autonomy from the human rights movement and the national scientific system (both academic and university). Moreover, religion emerged constantly from the type of work undertaken, between the living and the dead. Thus, beliefs, with their prohibitions, rituals, and ways of making sense of suffering and their tools for coming to terms with grief, coexisted with the EAAF’s development. These findings emerge from a qualitative research design combining document analysis, in-depth interviews, and participative observation of scientific disclosure open to the public provided by the EAAF over the past three years.

Author(s):  
Jacques Hartmann

Contemporary populism is antagonistic towards human rights. As a result, the challenges now facing the human rights movement are fundamentally different from those of the past. Yet, proposed remedies to this malaise often seem ill-conceived. Populists tend to claim that the institutions charged with the protection of fundamental rights not only limit the capacity of the people to exercise their rightful power but are also the source of a growing discontent with the system itself. This narrative is often uncritically accepted and leads to suggestions that human rights must be fundamentally reformed. Although intuitively appealing, such suggestions commonly lack support from empirical evidence. In addition, much of the debate seemingly starts from the premise that the public is fully informed. Using Denmark as a case study, this Note shows that existing assumptions may be questioned. It further suggests that it may be dangerous to propose a cure before the malaise has been properly diagnosed.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyoung Song

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 404-427
Author(s):  
Leticia Cesarino

ABSTRACT In the past decade or so, populism and social media have been outstanding issues both in academia and the public sphere. At this point, evidence from multiple countries suggest that perceived parallels between the dynamics of social media and the mechanics of populist discourse may be more than just incidental, relating to a shared structural field. This article suggests one possible path towards making sense of how the dynamics of social media and the mechanics of populist mobilization have co-produced each other in the last decade or so. Navigating the interface between anthropology and linguistics, it takes key aspects of Victor Turner’s notion of liminality to suggest some of the ways in which social media’s anti-structural affordances may help lay a foundation for the contemporary flourishing of populist discourse: markers of social structure are suspended; communitas is formed; the culture core is addressed; mimesis and anti-structural inversions are performed; subjects become influenceable. I elaborate on this claim based on Brazilian materials, drawn from online ethnography on pro-Bolsonaro WhatsApp groups and other platforms such as Twitter and Facebook since 2018.


Author(s):  
Gráinne de Búrca

This chapter reflects on the lessons to be derived from the advocacy campaigns in Pakistan, Argentina, and Ireland discussed in earlier chapters. Insights drawn from those campaigns are used to refine the experimentalist account of human rights advanced in Chapter 2, particularly as regards the importance of social movements and of building broad social support for human rights campaigns. The remainder of the chapter describes five major challenges of the current era—illiberalism, climate change, digitalization, pandemics, and inequality—and considers the difficulties they pose for the experimentalist account of human rights advocacy. It argues that the experimentalist practice of human rights advocacy is reasonably resilient and adaptive, and that internal contestation from within the human rights movement as well as external critiques have already helped to catalyze reform and to push activists and advocates to think more innovatively about the changes needed to strengthen the ability of the movement to engage with these major challenges in the future. It concludes that in a turbulent era, rather than abandon human rights, we should redouble our efforts to bolster, renew, and reinvigorate a movement that has galvanized constituencies and communities around the globe to mobilize for a better world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 805-827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Kenyon Lischer

AbstractAfter a genocide, leaders compete to fill the postwar power vacuum and establish their preferred story of the past. Memorialisation, including through building memorials, provides a cornerstone of political power. The dominant public narrative determines the plotline; it labels victims and perpetrators, interprets history, assigns meaning to suffering, and sets the post-atrocity political agenda. Therefore, ownership of the past, in terms of the public account, is deeply contested. Although many factors affect the emergence of a dominant atrocity narrative, this article highlights the role of international interactions with genocide memorials, particularly how Western visitors, funders, and consultants influence the government's narrative. Western consumption of memorials often reinforces aspects of dark tourism that dehumanise victims and discourage adequate context for the uninformed visitor. Funding and consultation provided by Western states and organisations – while offering distinct benefits – tends to encourage a homogenised atrocity narrative, which reflects the values of the global human rights regime and existing standards of memorial design rather than privileging the local particularities of the atrocity experience. As shown in the cases of Rwanda, Cambodia, and Bosnia, Western involvement in public memory projects often strengthens the power of government narratives, which control the present by controlling the past.


2019 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Hallett ◽  
Orla Stapleton ◽  
Michael Sauder

In light of ongoing concerns about the relevance of scholarly activities, we ask, what are public ideas and how do they come to be? More specifically, how do journalists and other mediators between the academy and the public use social science ideas? How do the various uses of these ideas develop over time and shape the public careers of these ideas? How do these processes help us understand public ideas and identify their various types? In addressing these questions, we make the case for a sociology of public social science. Using data from newspaper articles that engage with seven of the most publicly prominent social science ideas over the past 30 years, we make three contributions. First, we advance a pragmatic, cultural approach to understanding public ideas, one that emphasizes fit-making processes and applicative flexibility. Second, we define public ideas: social science ideas become public ideas when they are used as objects of interest (being the news), are used as interpretants (making sense of the news), and ebb and flow between these uses as part of an unfolding career. Third, we construct a typology of public ideas that provides an architecture for future research on public social science.


JURNAL BELO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-157
Author(s):  
Juanrico Alfaromona Sumarezs Titahelu

Over the past few years these crimes have been growing more rapidly and disturbing the public. In the criminal acts of terrorism have become increasingly destructive form of crime with global scope. The Government has issued Government Regulation (decree) No. 1 of 2002 on Combating Criminal Acts of Terrorism. Then on April 4, 2003 decree that legalized as Law No. 15 Year 2003 on Eradication of Terrorism. But in reality proving criminal acts of terrorism is still a lot that is not in accordance with the existing rules, which means that there are many deviations that occur in the process of proving the criminal act of terrorism. Proving that in many criminal acts of terrorism against the rules of the higher law (Criminal Procedure Code) in comparison with the criminal act of terrorism law itself (Law No.15 of 2003). So that there are obstacles in proving the crime of terrorism is one of the Human Rights in value has been violating basic human


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merita Arini ◽  
Dianita Sugiyo ◽  
Iman Permana

Abstract Introduction: TB-DM is a new looming global co-epidemic problem. Despite the Indonesian Government's ongoing effort to put the collaborative TB-DM management regulation in place, it has not taken into account the involvement of private primary care (PPC). This study intended to capture the PPC's existing practices and explore their challenges, opportunities, and potential roles in the collaborative TB-DM services and control.Methods: A descriptive qualitative research design was used to collect data. Two Focus Groups Discussion (FGDs) were conducted with 13 healthcare workers (HCWs) from different private clinics and nine private general practitioners (GPs) from Yogyakarta City, Indonesia. We triangulated the data with the FGDs of HCWs community health centers (CHCs) and in-depth interviews with three regional health regulators. The discussions were audiotaped, transcribed verbatim, and subjected to thematic analysis.Results: PPCs have not been initiated to be involved in the implementation of collaborative TB-DM program. The themes obtained in this study were health system-related barriers, HCWs’ knowledge and perception, un-implemented bi-directional screening, and multisector role needs. The PPCs’ potential roles identified are to conduct health promotion, bi-directional screening, patient referring, and data reporting according to the TB-DM program indicators.Conclusion: Although its involvement in implementing collaborative TB-DM services has yet to be taken into account, the PPC's potential role should not be neglected. Therefore, it is essential to increase their involvement by enhancing their capacity and improving the Public-Private Mix. PPC engagement should be initiated and maintained to ensure the sustainability of the program.


Jurnal HAM ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Oki Wahju Budijanto

AbstrakPenghayat Kepercayaan masih mengalami diskriminasi, khususnya dalam penghormatan hak-hak sipilnya. Hal ini berakar dari “perbedaan” yang lahir dari pengakuan negara atas agama dan perlakuan berbeda kepada “agama” dan “kepercayaan”. Pada Pemerintahan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla salah satu agenda prioritas adalah memprioritaskan perlindungan terhadap anak, perempuan dan kelompok masyarakat termajinalkan, serta penghormatan HAM dan penyelesaian secara berkeadilan terhadap kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM pada masa lalu menjadi momentum tepat untuk penegakan HAMnya. Pertannyaannya, implementasi penghormatan Hak Asasi Manusia bagi penghayat kepercayaan di Kota Bandung. Tulisan yang didasarkan pada penelitian bersifat deskriptif analisis dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif pada tataran implementasi (khususnya Kota Bandung), para penghayat kepercayaan tidak mengalami kendala dalam memperoleh layanan kependudukan dan catatan sipil. Namun demikian masih terdapat penolakan masyarakat umum terhadap pemakaman bagi para penghayat kepercayaan di tempat pemakaman umum. Penolakan ini tentu bertentangan dengan Pasal 8 ayat (2) Peraturan Bersama Menteri Dalam Negeri dan Menteri Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Nomor 43 Tahun 2009 dan Nomor 41 Tahun 2009 tentang Pedoman Pelayanan Kepada Penghayat Kepercayaan Kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, maka pemerintah daerah menyediakan pemakaman umum.Kata Kunci: Penghormatan HAM, Hak-Hak Sipil, Penghayat KepercayaanAbstractBelief adherent still experience discrimination, expecialy respect of their civil rights. it is rooted in the “difference” is born from the recognition of the state of religion and different treatment to “religion” and “belief”. In Government Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla which one of the priority agenda is to prioritize the protection of children, women and marginalized groups of society, as well as respect for human rights and equitable settlement of the cases of human rights violations in the past an appropriate moment to better provide the respect of human rights.This paper based of research which is descriptive analysis with normative juridical approach in terms of implementation (particularly the city of Bandung), the seeker of confidence not having problems in obtaining settlement services and civil records. However, there is still a general public rejection of the funeral for the seeker of confidence in the public cemetery. This rejection against to Article 8 (2) Joint Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Culture and Tourism No. 43 of 2009 and No. 41 of 2009 on Guidelines for Care To Belief adherent in God Almighty, the local government provides the public cemetery.Keywords: Respect of Human Rights, Civil Rights, Belief Adherent


Author(s):  
Aryeh Neier

This chapter traces the history of the international human rights movement back to the anti-slavery movement that took hold in England in the second half of the eighteenth century. It details how the anti-slavery movement was instrumental in securing the abolition of slavery in many countries. It also reviews ways in which the human rights cause became an important force in world affairs in the mid-to-late 1970s. The chapter looks into the favorable development in the recent years for human rights, such as the readiness of a number of leading business corporations to take stands on human rights issues. It also suggests that the progress in the human rights movement is to keep building the public constituency for rights, until the dynamic that resulted in significant improvements that that took place in the 1980s and 1990s is re-created.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document