scholarly journals Ground Zero mosque in the context of America’s post-9/11 religious pluralism: CDA of mainstream news media’s coverage of the discursive event

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Saad Boulahnane

This article analyzes the Ground Zero Mosque discursive event and the discourses surrounding the American Muslim Community and explores the role of the media in the production and reproduction processes of anti-Muslim frames. To understand Islamophobia in the United States in the context of religious pluralism, this article adopts Critical Discourse Analysis, under which two theories unfold: sourcing theory and framing theory. The sourcing analysis targeted the media voices monitoring the discourses and contributing to the discursive construction and interpretation of mosque proposal into an agenda-led image. The second theory is framing, which consists of including a perceived reality—in the news—, making it more salient, and presenting it to the audience. The data analyzed were collected from CNN and Fox News via Lexis Nexis online academic database. A total of 225 media transcripts—(n=138) Fox News and (n=87) CNN—constituted the text and were coded and analyzed using Atlas.ti data mining software program. The critical analysis has resulted in a number of 180 voices—e.g. journalists, politicians, academics, officials, etc. — contribution of the discursive construction of the non-violence event, ofwhich 150 were anti-Muslim activists, journalists, politicians, reportedly formerMuslim Brotherhood member, etc. The study has also resulted in two mainframes: frame of illegitimacy and frame of terrorism, transforming the nonviolenceevent into a celebrated violent one, thereby providing a vivid image ofAmerica’s project of religious pluralism and its capacity to accommodate thereligions existing within the American confines.Artikel ini menganalisis peristiwa acara diskursif Masjid Ground Zero danwacana seputar Komunitas Muslim Amerika dan mengeksplorasi peran mediadalam proses produksi dan reproduksi bingkai anti-Muslim. Untuk memahamiIslamophobia di Amerika Serikat dalam konteks pluralisme agama, artikelini mengadopsi Analisis Wacana Kritis, di mana dua teori terungkap: teorisumber dan teori framing. Analisis sumber menargetkan suara-suara mediayang memonopoli wacana dan berkontribusi pada konstruksi diskursif daninterpretasi proposal masjid ke dalam pencitraan yang dipimpin oleh suatuagenda. Teori kedua adalah framing, yang terdiri dari memasukkan realitas yangdirasakan — dalam berita—, membuatnya lebih menonjol, dan menyajikannyakepada pemirsa. Data yang dianalisis dikumpulkan dari CNN dan Fox Newsmelalui database akademik online Lexis Nexis. Sebanyak 225 transkrip media—(n = 138) Fox News dan (n = 87) CNN — merupakan teks dan dikodekandan dianalisis menggunakan program perangkat lunak data mining Atlas.ti.Analisis kritis telah menghasilkan sejumlah 180 suara — misalnya wartawan,politisi, akademisi, pejabat, dll. - berkontribusi terhadap konstruksi diskursifdari peristiwa non-kekerasan, yang 150 di antaranya adalah aktivis anti-Muslim,jurnalis, politisi, mantan anggota Ikhwanul Muslimin, dll. Studi ini juga telahmenghasilkan dua kerangka utama: bingkai illegitimacy dan bingkai terorisme,yang mengubah peristiwa non-kekerasan menjadi peristiwa yang sangat kejam.Inilah gambaran yang jelas tentang proyek pluralisme agama Amerika dankapasitasnya untuk mengakomodasi agama-agama yang ada dalam batas-batasAmerika.

Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengxin Pan ◽  
Benjamin Isakhan ◽  
Zim Nwokora

The relationship between Chinese soft power and Chinese media has been a focus of a growing body of literature. Challenging a resource-based conception of soft power and a transmission view of communication that inform much of the debate, this article adopts a discursive approach to soft power and media communication. It argues that their relationship is not just a matter of resource transmission, but one of discursive construction, which begs the questions of what mediated discursive practices are at play in soft power construction and how. Addressing these oft-neglected questions, we identify a typology of three soft-power discursive practices: charm offensive, Othering offensive, and defensive denial. Focusing on the little-understood practice of Othering offensive, we illustrate its presence in Chinese media through a critical discourse analysis of China Daily’s framing of Donald Trump and the United States, and argue that the Othering offensive in Chinese media that portrays Trump’s America as a dysfunctional and declining Other serves to construct a Chinese self as more responsible, dynamic, and attractive. Adding a missing discursive dimension to the study of soft power and the media, this study has both scholarly and practical implications for analysing a nation’s soft power strategy.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. e0259473
Author(s):  
Marrissa D. Grant ◽  
Alexandra Flores ◽  
Eric J. Pedersen ◽  
David K. Sherman ◽  
Leaf Van Boven

The present study, conducted immediately after the 2020 presidential election in the United States, examined whether Democrats’ and Republicans’ polarized assessments of election legitimacy increased over time. In a naturalistic survey experiment, people (N = 1,236) were randomly surveyed either during the week following Election Day, with votes cast but the outcome unknown, or during the following week, after President Joseph Biden was widely declared the winner. The design unconfounded the election outcome announcement from the vote itself, allowing more precise testing of predictions derived from cognitive dissonance theory. As predicted, perceived election legitimacy increased among Democrats, from the first to the second week following Election Day, as their expected Biden win was confirmed, whereas perceived election legitimacy decreased among Republicans as their expected President Trump win was disconfirmed. From the first to the second week following Election Day, Republicans reported stronger negative emotions and weaker positive emotions while Democrats reported stronger positive emotions and weaker negative emotions. The polarized perceptions of election legitimacy were correlated with the tendencies to trust and consume polarized media. Consumption of Fox News was associated with lowered perceptions of election legitimacy over time whereas consumption of other outlets was associated with higher perceptions of election legitimacy over time. Discussion centers on the role of the media in the experience of cognitive dissonance and the implications of polarized perceptions of election legitimacy for psychology, political science, and the future of democratic society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
M. S. Matytsina ◽  
O. N. Prokhorova ◽  
I. V. Chekulai

The paper based on the content of the Facebook group Immigrants in EU and The Daily Mail publications discusses the issue of discursive construction of an immigrant image in media discourse. Using the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the authors claim that the image of an immigrant can be viewed as a discursive construct, and the main discursive strategies involved in its construction include the reference strategy and the prediction strategy. As a result of the analysis, the so called CDA-categories (topic blocks) underlying the formation of the immigrant figure, are identified and illustrated by the relevant examples, the need for further study of the social media discourse as part of critical discourse analysis is justified. The relevance of such study is due to the growing research interest in discursive construction of the immigrant figure in the media discourse, since it underpins the definition of discourse as a form of social practice, not only reflecting processes in the society, but also exerting a reciprocal effect on them. The use of both verbal and non-verbal means in the media texts under study reflects the intention of the authors of the messages to use all possible communication channels when constructing an immigrant’s image. The results show that the dichotomy of “friends and foes” is being formed and maintained by the British newspaper The Daily Mail, while the members of the Immigrants in EU group try to mitigate the conflict between immigrants and indigenous people.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Farris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This book examines the shape, composition, and practices of the United States political media landscape. It explores the roots of the current epistemic crisis in political communication with a focus on the remarkable 2016 U.S. president election culminating in the victory of Donald Trump and the first year of his presidency. The authors present a detailed map of the American political media landscape based on the analysis of millions of stories and social media posts, revealing a highly polarized and asymmetric media ecosystem. Detailed case studies track the emergence and propagation of disinformation in the American public sphere that took advantage of structural weaknesses in the media institutions across the political spectrum. This book describes how the conservative faction led by Steve Bannon and funded by Robert Mercer was able to inject opposition research into the mainstream media agenda that left an unsubstantiated but indelible stain of corruption on the Clinton campaign. The authors also document how Fox News deflects negative coverage of President Trump and has promoted a series of exaggerated and fabricated counter narratives to defend the president against the damaging news coming out of the Mueller investigation. Based on an analysis of the actors that sought to influence political public discourse, this book argues that the current problems of media and democracy are not the result of Russian interference, behavioral microtargeting and algorithms on social media, political clickbait, hackers, sockpuppets, or trolls, but of asymmetric media structures decades in the making. The crisis is political, not technological.


2021 ◽  
pp. 145507252199699
Author(s):  
Ernesto Abalo

Aim: This study examines the discursive construction of medical cannabis in Swedish newspapers, with the aim of understanding how the news media recontextualise the medical potential of cannabis. Design: The study is centred on the concept of recontextualisation, which focuses on how discourses are reinterpreted and reshaped when moving from one context to another, with a special focus on recontextualisation in relation to the media. Methodologically, the study uses critical discourse analysis to qualitatively analyse 134 articles of different subgenres, published in four Swedish newspapers between 2015 and 2020. Results: The study shows that medical cannabis is constructed around myriad topics and contexts, ranging from news that focuses on the medical potential of cannabis to articles where medical cannabis is mentioned in passing and constructed in a more abstract form. The media have difficulties retaining a conceptual boundary between medical and recreational cannabis. Moreover, the study shows that the medical potential of cannabis is discursively constructed using three different discourses: patient discourse, strong science discourse, and weak science discourse. Conclusions: The study suggests that there is a widening of the debate on cannabis in the Swedish public sphere, giving more recognition to the potential medical use of cannabis. The media, however, show difficulties in refining discourses on medical cannabis, which results in an altering between constructions that are strongly connected to science, and those that are not.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-113
Author(s):  
Anna Piela

This excellent edited collection unpicks and disputes multifarious and intricate processes that underpin the homogenization, otherization, and vilification of immigrants from Muslim-majority countries, Muslim citizens, and individuals with a Muslim cultural background in the group of countries known as “the West.” It does so through presenting a selection of essays that offer an insight into the localized, day-to-day realities of people whose lives are currently defined by their link to Islam. The focus on gender, home, and belonging emphasizes the particular challenge faced by Muslim women: Their bodies are the battleground for the ideological wars fought by western governments on the one hand, and by political Islamists on the other (pp. 30-31). At the same time, media outlets and governmental policies portray and essentialize all Muslims as a single, uniform community defined exclusively by their Muslimness, thereby ignoring any of their differences based on “national origin, rural-urban roots, class, gender, language, lifestyle and degree of religiosity, as well as political and moral conviction” (p. 2). As all of the essays demonstrate, these concerns about representation remain valid, despite the critiques of historical and contemporary orientalism published by Edward Said over thirty years ago notwithstanding: Orientalism (1979) and Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (1981). The collection is a result of two conferences held in Toronto (2006) and Amsterdam (2008) to discuss these issues. It is organized around four themes: discourse, organizations, and policy; sexuality and family; youth; and space and belonging. The first theme is represented by different perspectives from the Netherlands, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Halleh Ghorashi analyzes the disempowering effects of supposedly “empowering courses” for immigrant women of Muslim backgrounds and indicates how women themselves critique the terms on which such courses are delivered. Fauzia Erfan Ahmed writes about the deteriorating situation for female American Muslim community leaders who are forced into silence despite a long history of female leadership since the time of slavery. Cassandra Balchin’s chapter focuses on Muslim women’s refusal to cede the discourse of their legal rights to both the governments and to patriarchal males within Muslim communities, who are ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-331
Author(s):  
Meng Ye ◽  
Peter Thomas

This article explores the media representation of Muslims using critical discourse analysis (CDA). It emphasises the discursive construction of governmental paternalism that forms the dominant ideological disposition of China Daily’s (CD) coverage. The results reveal how Chinese official English newspapers facilitate the government’s dissemination of paternalistic discourse in the news of a large population of Chinese Muslims over the period. The investigation combines topic modelling with topos analysis to identify topics and topoi and to exhibit the ideology through the corpus compiled with CD’s news about Chinese Muslims. Our findings both uncover the extent to which CD is used to promote paternalistic discourse by topic and reveal how paternalism is constructed by topoi. CD can be seen to strongly legitimise the paternalistic framework corresponding with the government’s promotion of social development and security in the region. Reciprocally, most Chinese Muslims are portrayed as obedient and dependent Chinese citizens who benefit from the government’s intervention.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deepa Kumar

The far right in the United States has ratcheted up anti-Muslim racism in the twenty-first century. However, they are not alone in creating and circulating the discourses of Islamophobia. In this paper, I set out to situate the far right, who I call the ‘new McCarthyites’, within the broader context in which they operate. I argue that they are part of a larger matrix of Islamophobia which includes the liberal establishment. I start with a concrete case study of the ‘Ground Zero Mosque’ controversy, in order to demonstrate how various discourses of Islamophobia co-exist and fuel one another. I contend that even while the new McCarthyites were responsible for the hysteria generated, their arguments were enabled by liberals/realists. I then unpack the various agents who make up a coalition of the new McCarthyites and outline how they propagate their troglodyte racism. Finally, I offer a matrix that illustrates where Islamophobic ideologies are produced and how they are circulated in the mainstream. Such a structural analysis necessarily decenters the mainstream media since the media are one set of institutions, among others, that serve both as conduit and creator of anti-Muslim racism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Galindo ◽  

The purpose of this study is to analyze how, in news articles published in online versions of print newspapers from both the United States and Mexico, media represent Mexican immigrants based on the wording they use in articles about immigration issues. The study was done by analyzing, counting and comparing the words used by newspapers. Using critical discourse analysis as methodology, this study aims to contribute to a growing body of literature on the language used by the media and its influence on media consumers. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
Eglė Kesylytė-Alliks

This article analyzes discursive representations of Lithuania and of Belarus as Lithuania's “Other” in the context of the recent political crisis in Ukraine. Focusing on the media discourse of Lithuanian intellectuals regarding the historical Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) and its legacy, it examines how Belarus and its role vis-à-vis Lithuania have been depicted. The analysis is informed by the discourse-historical approach within critical discourse analysis, using thematic content and argumentation schemes for studying the images ascribed to the GDL, Belarus, and Lithuania in the selected texts. Focus in the discourse of intellectuals on the GDL as a historical homeland is found to shift from history as a scholarly endeavor to the politics of history and the uses of the past in today's political projects. Belarus and the GDL emerge as topics not only historically and politically salient but also potentially dangerous for Lithuania within the setting of the events in Ukraine.


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