scholarly journals Saving the Fundaments: Impact of a Military Coup on the Sudan Health System

Author(s):  
Alhadi K. Osman ◽  
Mona Ibrahim ◽  
Mohamed Elsheikh ◽  
Karrar Karrar ◽  
Hassan Salih

Military coups are not uncommon occurrences, particularly in developing nations where political systems might be less firmly entrenched or still evolving. Developments of this nature can often have profound implications for the affected nation’s healthcare systems, both in the immediate aftermath and over the longer term. This paper narrates some notable consequences of political instability on the national health system, particularly placing them in the context of the military coup in October 2021 – emphasizing the context behind the political turbulence, its acute and direct consequences, and the possible long-term legacies of political shocks on the already overwhelmed health system. As a descriptive piece, this narrative does not only look at the impact of the military coup on hospitals, but considers the implications for the healthcare system as defined by the WHO, with particular emphasis on the impact of the coup on health funding from multi-laterals, service delivery, human resource availability, and supply chains in Sudan.

Author(s):  
José Daniel Benclowicz

Resumen: Este trabajo examina las representaciones del anarcosindicalismo español de un suceso trascendente de la historia argentina: el golpe de Estado de 1930, el primero desde la organización política definitiva de este país. En esta línea, analizo la recepción de las noticias sobre la situación política y social argentina, atendiendo a la evolución de una desconocida y llamativa simpatía por el golpe militar que se plantea inicialmente en las páginas de Solidaridad Obrera, el periódico de la CNT. Se adopta una perspectiva transnacional que tiene en cuenta los diálogos y relaciones entre las distintas tendencias anarquistas a ambos lados del océano y la incidencia del contexto político de cada país. De este modo, además de dar cuenta de los posicionamientos cambiantes de la CNT, el trabajo aporta elementos para examinar el poco conocido devenir del anarquismo argentino en este período.Palabras clave: Anarcosindicalismo español, Representaciones de la Argentina, Primera mitad de los años 30, Golpe de Estado de 1930, Relaciones transnacionales.Abstract: This paper examines the representations of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism of a pivotal event in Argentine history: the coup d'etat of 1930, the first since the final political organization of this country. In order to do so, I analyze the reception of the news about the political and social situation in Argentina, charting the evolution of an unexpected and striking sympathy for the military coup, initially presented in the pages of Solidaridad Obrera, the CNT newspaper. A transnational perspective is adopted, which take into account the dialogues and relationships between the different anarchist tendencies on both sides of the Atlantic, as well as the impact of the political context of each country. Thus, in addition to providing an account of the changing positions of the CNT, the article also explores the little known development of Argentine anarchism in this period.Keywords: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, Representations of Argentina, First half of the 1930s, Coup d'etat of 1930, Transnational relations.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 147-171
Author(s):  
Olav Stokke

In this paper the processes of integration and disintegration within the Nigerian Federation up to the secession of Biafra are analysed. The ‘modern’ and the ‘traditional’ political systems and sub-systems are identified and the cultural setting is outlined. The focus is concentrated on the distribution of the enforcement powers, the utilitarian powers and the identive powers between the centres of the federal system and the regional sub-systems, as manifested by subsequent constitutions and by the social bases of the political parties. In such a context the integrative and disintegrative effects of the political parties at the cultural, the federal and the regional levels are discussed. The major political crises of the early 1960s are outlined as are the developments after the military coup d'etats of 1966 leading to the secession. On this basis some preconditions for a successful secession are suggested, and the extent to which these were fulfilled or not in the case under consideration is discussed.


Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


Revista Prumo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (8) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Pinto

Paulo César Saraceni’s The dare (1965) is a milestone of the Brazilian Cinema Novo. Considered the first cinematographic movie to openly address the 1964 civil-military coup, it also inaugurated a lineage of intimate Rio films, committed to reading beyond the representation of the city through postcard images. The film pays special attention to the scenarios, especially houses and apartments, defining the political and psychological contours of the characters through their interaction with the environments. In this article I make explicit the impact caused by this new form of urban representation and, finally, I make the analysis of two sequences, in which an almost empty modernist house is set against a burning, ruined pension. The aim is to demonstrate that, while the contours of these scenarios define the protagonists’ conflicts, the actions taken in each environment add meaning to the architecture.


1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. Posner

The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2150008
Author(s):  
Jason Chiam Chiah Sern ◽  
Tai Wei Lim

This paper examines the case studies of three East Asian entities (Thailand, Myanmar and Hong Kong) battling both the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic as well as socio-political unrest simultaneously. While Thailand/Myanmar and Hong Kong are different in geographical/demographic sizes and the former two are sovereign states while the latter is a Special Administrative Region (SAR), they have similar challenges in experiencing cosmopolitan pro-democracy movements (made up of young activists) pitted against the governments determined to maintain control in what political scientists may characterize as illiberal political systems. While Thailand and Myanmar may be much larger in terms of geographical/demographic sizes, much of the recent political activism occurred in the capital city of Bangkok (a city of about 8 million people) and Yangon (also having about 7 million in population and being the former capital of Myanmar before the military elites had moved the capital to Naypyidaw in anticipation of political unrests). In the case of Myanmar, the demonstration and protests have effectively spread nationwide. Both cities are similar in size to Hong Kong that is with approximately 7 million inhabitants. Both Bangkok and Hong Kong are also cosmopolitan cities with high exposure to global commerce, ideas and tourism while Yangon is a fast-developing urban commercial capital city. In terms of ideologies and political systems, both Bangkok and Hong Kong have nominal liberal democratic systems that have limits imposed on political freedoms while Myanmar was liberalizing and democratizing before the military coup on February 1, 2020. These similarities make them suitable candidates for comparative studies, including analyzing their differences in managing the political challenges.


Author(s):  
Sarah Davis-Secord

This chapter examines how Sicily became integrated into the political and religious world of Latin Christendom and describes its position vis-à-vis the Muslim and Christian worlds during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries in light of three aspects of cross-Mediterranean communication: naval travel during the period of the Norman conquest, the impact of the Norman takeover on trade between Sicily and the Muslim Mediterranean, and the resulting population movements across the newly developing Muslim–Christian boundary. It first considers the military, diplomatic, and political connections between Sicily and the Normans before discussing Christian Norman Sicily's economic connections with the dār al-Islām. It shows that travelers from the Muslim world continued to sail to Christian Sicily and thus to cross the newly drawn border between territories that had been closely linked for centuries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
James C. Schopf

Easton's systems theory greatly contributed to the field of political science by providing a useful holistic framework, demonstrating how the political system functions, by meeting societal demands with policy outputs. Easton's interest lay in the political system's persistence, which in his model, merely required the existence of community. Communities, however, require state-provided security to survive in a hostile international environment. Hence, this paper builds a sub-systemic governance model able to explain domestic political system and state persistence. The model argues that large input generating groups require sufficient allocation of public goods for the long term maintenance of the domestic political system. Application of the model to the successful South Korean case demonstrated that the share of public goods increased along with the size of the input generating group. Long term disruption of this critical subsystem in countries with large input generating groups, however, can destabilize the state and its domestic political system with increased pressure from unmet societal demands. This new sub-systemic model seeks to advance understanding of the operation of the system and open up new areas of research into the persistence of the domestic political system. The systems approach has greatly contributed to the study of politics. David Easton's seminal Systems Theory drew attention to important aspects of political life and provided a critical framework with which to understand and analyze inputs into the political system and policy outputs to the social environment. The advancement of systems theory in political science was hobbled, however by methodological shortcomings. Easton failed to operationalize key concepts, and as a result, the theory was neither applied nor tested. In addition, Easton's all-inclusive system design was unable to give insight into several systems-related questions areas of interest to social scientists, including the survival or collapse of states and their domestic political systems, regime change, and variation in the nature of policy outputs or societal inputs. Combining Easton's policy process framework with methodologically rigorous approaches sharing key system's theory assumptions helps to deepen understanding of these issues. By narrowing Easton's system to a critical subsystem comprised of the leader and his/her supporters, it becomes evident that changes in the size of the input-generating group can markedly affect the quality of government policy outputs. This new sub systemic model yields the prediction that leader's seeking to maintain power will allocate an increased ratio of public goods to private goods, the larger the size of the input generating group. After operationalizing the size of the input-generating group and the share of public vs. private goods allocated through economic policy, this paper applies this sub systemic hypothesis to explain recent changes in economic policy making in South Korea. Modernization theory provides the added insight that the forces of industrialization and economic development are increasing the size of the input-generating group in societies throughout the world, which are calling for public policy goods, in the form of democratic political rights as well as improved overall living standards. Leadership failing to respond to these increased demands over a prolonged period not only provokes regime change, but, in certain circumstances, can destabilize and trigger the collapse of states and of domestic political systems. Research into underdeveloped institutions, economic power concentration, sectarian division and other factors impeding delivery of public goods to large input generating groups, can offer further insight into the question of systemic persistence, the central concern of Easton's systems theory. The article first critiques the strengths and weaknesses of Easton's systems theory. A sub-systemic model is offered to ameliorate the methodological shortcomings of Easton's systems theory while making it applicable to questions concerning the persistence of domestic political systems and state maintenance. Applied to two cases of Korean industrial restructuring, the predictions of the sub-systemic model hold true: small input generating groups under authoritarian rule were associated with provision of private goods, whereas larger input generating groups under democracy produced policies that allocated public goods. The final section of the paper then explores the possible collapse of the domestic political system in cases where leadership is unable to provide public goods to large input generating groups.


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