Teaching the history of Catalonia: past, present and 'futures'

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Antoni Santisteban Fernández

The history which is taught in Catalan schools is not on the margin of the political, economic and social situation which is being shared by those living in Catalonia. There is an on-going debate about citizenship between the Catalans and the Spanish, which has had a major impact in the media, and has had repercussions for the future of Catalonia within the Spanish state. Teaching the history of Catalonia and Spain is an issue that has a strong resonance within this debate. The problem is not new and has deep historical roots. It has re-emerged, on the one hand, because of the attitude of the state government, which represents the most centralist Spanish nationalism. Moreover, the current economic situation has made the latent problem even more urgent. However, the debate has also served to mask other important problems.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Adeb Abdulelah Abdulwahid Al-Tamimi ◽  
Uddagatti Venkatesha

Yemen is an unsteady country with a long history of conflict and many complex issues that have led to the deterioration of the political, economic, and social situation. The conflict in its various stages began as an internal political struggle as a result of the people's grievances and the elite's competition for power and national wealth, in addition to other external factors. Hence, it is important to study the conflict factors in Yemen to understand the situation which in turn will help in providing solutions by decision-makers towards peace-making. Therefore, this study analyses the conflict factors in Yemen based on the political, economic, and social effects, in addition to the external interference effects. The research findings indicated that the conflict factors were not the only result of security or political issues but also presented by many socio-economic problems as well as external factors, which have affected of the country since its unification.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Leka

The picture of recent legal developments concerning defamation in Albania is mixed. On the one hand, several criminal defamation and insult statuteshave been abolishedsince 2012, following strong lobbying of human rights organizations. On the other, the application of criminal defamation laws has not stopped, while government officials and other high profile persons have discovered the power of civil defamation claims. Faced with intense criticism, the government has tried to re-introduce the abolished criminal defamation laws and has faced the same strong opposition and international outcry. In the meantime, defamation claims or threats thereof are routinely being used against the media or against the political opponent for the only purposes of creating tension and diffusing the attention of the public. The vagueness of the laws and the inconsistencies of judicial interpretation, helped in no little measure by judicial corruption and the political control of the judiciary, have widened the gap between constitutional and international guarantees of the freedom of speech and the actual enforcement of those guarantees. This article will briefly expose the history of defamation laws in Albania, the difficulties of their application, and the status of affairs concerning defamation laws and claims.


Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter explores how 1869 was an important year in the political history of the state of Mississippi. The new constitution which was rejected in 1868 was to be resubmitted to a popular vote in November. At the same time, state officers, members of the legislature, congressmen, and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the objectionable clauses in the constitution were to be submitted to a separate vote and since it was understood that both parties would favor their rejection, there was no serious opposition to the ratification of the constitution as thus amended. But a hard and stubborn fight was to be made for control of state government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Jasmin Jajčević ◽  

In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


Author(s):  
Mohd. Shuhaimi Ishak

 Abstract Generally speaking, media is extensively used as the means to disseminate news and information pertaining to business, social, political and religious concerns. A portion of the time and space of media has now become an important device to generate economic and social activities that include advertising, marketing, recreation and entertainment. The Government regards them as an essential form of relaying news and information to its citizens and at the same time utilizes them as a powerful public relations’ mechanism. The effects of media are many and diverse, which can either be short or long term depending on the news and information. The effects of media can be found on various fronts, ranging from the political, economic and social, to even religious spheres. Some of the negative effects arising from the media are cultural and social influences, crimes and violence, sexual obscenities and pornography as well as liberalistic and extreme ideologies. This paper sheds light on these issues and draws principles from Islam to overcome them. Islam as revealed to humanity contains the necessary guidelines to nurture and mould the personality of individuals and shape them into good servants. Key Words: Media, Negative Effects, Means, Islam and Principles. Abstrak Secara umum, media secara meluas digunakan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan berita dan maklumat yang berkaitan dengan perniagaan, kemasyarakatan, pertimbangan politik dan agama. Sebahagian dari ruang dan masa media kini telah menjadi peranti penting untuk menghasilkan kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial yang meliputi pengiklanan, pemasaran, rekreasi dan hiburan. Kerajaan menganggap sarana-sarana ini sebagai wadah penting untuk menyampaikan berita dan maklumat kepada warganya dan pada masa yang sama juga menggunakannya sebagai mekanisme perhubungan awam yang berpengaruh. Pengaruh media sangat banyak dan pelbagai, samada berbentuk jangka pendek atau panjang bergantung kepada berita dan maklumat yang brekenaan. Kesan dari media boleh didapati mempengaruhi pelbagai aspek, bermula dari bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial bahkan juga agama. Beberapa kesan negatif yang timbul dari media ialah pengaruhnya terhadap budaya dan sosial, jenayah dan keganasan, kelucahan seksual dan pornografi serta ideologi yang liberal dan ekstrim. Kertas ini menyoroti isu-isu ini dan cuba mengambil prinsip-prinsip dari ajaran Islam untuk mengatasinya. Tujuan Islam itu sendiri diturunkan kepada umat manusia ialah untuk menjadi pedoman yang diperlukan untuk membina dan membentuk keperibadian individu dan menjadikan manusia hamba yang taat kepada Tuhannya. Kata Kunci: Media, Kesan Negatif, Cara-cara, Islam dan Prinsip-prinsip.


Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.


Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This book chronicles the history of education policymaking in India. The focus of the book is on the period from 1964 when the landmark Kothari Commission was constituted; however, to put the policy developments in this period into perspective major developments since the Indian Education Commission (1882) have been touched upon. The distinctiveness of the book lies in the rare insights which come from the author’s experience of making policy at the state, national and international levels; it is also the first book on the making of Indian education policy which brings to bear on the narrative comparative and historical perspectives it, which pays attention to the process and politics of policymaking and the larger setting –the political and policy environment- in which policies were made at different points of time, which attempts to subject regulation of education to a systematic analyses the way regulation of utilities or business or environment had been, and integrates judicial policymaking with the making and implementation of education policies. In fact for the period subsequent to 1979, there have been articles- may be a book or two- on some aspects of these developments individually; however, there is no comprehensive narrative that covers developments as a whole and places them against the backdrop of national and global political, economic, and educational developments.


Author(s):  
Peer Ghulam Nabi Suhail

This chapter begins with tracing the roots of colonialism in India, followed by understanding its various structures and processes of resource-grabbing. It argues, that India has largely followed the colonial approach towards land appropriation. After independence, although the Indian state followed a nationalistic path of development, the developmental approach of the state was far from being pro-peasant and/or pro-ecology. In a similar fashion, hydroelectricity projects in Kashmir, developed by NHPC from 1970s, have been displacing thousands of peasants from their lands and houses. Despite this, they are yet to become a major debate in the media, in the policy circles, or in academia in India.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


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