Push and Pull in Haitian Emigration

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Fanning
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Skin Color ◽  
Single Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Opportunities ◽  
Social Pressures ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
Push And Pull ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Black Land

This chapter examines a range of social pressures that pushed African American individuals to leave everything they knew in America, and a variety of hopes that pulled them to settle in Haiti. The travelers included families, single men, and even single women. They came from all social levels—laundresses and merchants, skilled artisans and unskilled day laborers, farmers and urbanites. Pushed out of an America that refused to treat them as equals, these Americans saw in Haiti a place where the political and economic opportunities that were closed to them in their native country were readily available. They were all drawn to a country that offered a republican government where they could vote without prejudice of color or property and where the skin color that increasingly set them apart as outcasts in the U.S. was privileged. Haiti was in every way presented and understood to be their black “land of the free.”

scholarly journals ‘Destiny seems to point me to that country’: early nineteenth-century African American migration, emigration, and expansion

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bronwen Everill
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Social Development ◽  
African Diaspora ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pull Factors ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Push And Pull Factors ◽  
Push And Pull

AbstractTraditional American historiography has dismissed the Liberian settlement scheme as impractical, racist, and naïve. The movement of Americans to Liberia, and other territorial and extraterritorial destinations, however, reveals the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that influenced movement in the African diaspora. The reaction of different African Americans to these factors influenced the political and social development of Liberia as well as the colony's image at home. Africans migrating within and beyond US borders participated in a broader movement of people and the development of settler ideology in the nineteenth century.

Getting Tough

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julilly Kohler-Hausmann
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
African American ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Penal System ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Welfare Programs ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Social Upheaval ◽  
The U.S

In 1970s America, politicians began “getting tough” on drugs, crime, and welfare. These campaigns helped expand the nation's penal system, discredit welfare programs, and cast blame for the era's social upheaval on racialized deviants that the state was not accountable to serve or represent. This book sheds light on how this unprecedented growth of the penal system and the evisceration of the nation's welfare programs developed hand in hand. The book shows that these historical events were animated by struggles over how to interpret and respond to the inequality and disorder that crested during this period. When social movements and the slowing economy destabilized the U.S. welfare state, politicians reacted by repudiating the commitment to individual rehabilitation that had governed penal and social programs for decades. In its place, they championed strategies of punishment, surveillance, and containment. The architects of these tough strategies insisted they were necessary, given the failure of liberal social programs and the supposed pathological culture within poor African American and Latino communities. This book rejects this explanation and describes how the spectacle of enacting punitive policies convinced many Americans that social investment was counterproductive and the “underclass” could be managed only through coercion and force. Spanning diverse institutions and weaving together the perspectives of opponents, supporters, and targets of punitive policies, the book offers new interpretations of dramatic transformations in the modern American state.

scholarly journals A Data-Driven Framework for Coding the Intent and Extent of Political Tweeting, Disinformation, and Extremism

Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Online Social Networks ◽  
Data Driven ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The U.S

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.

scholarly journals The Unique Challenges and Contributions of Diverse Caregivers

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 681-681
Author(s):  
Rita Choula
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Pacific Islander ◽  
Asian Pacific Islander ◽  
Asian Pacific ◽  
Hispanic White ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Unique Context

Abstract Caregiving in the U.S. 2020 oversampled African Americans, Hispanics, Asians, and people over the age of 75. Six in ten caregivers report being non-Hispanic white, 17% are Hispanic, 14% non-Hispanic African-American or black, 5% Asian/Pacific Islander, and 3% some other race or ethnicity, including multiracial. The session will emphasize the unique context of diverse caregivers, including African American, Hispanic, Asian, and LGBT+ caregivers. The session will begin by discussing the portrait of the typical caregiver of each of these groups. It will follow with a discussion of the challenges facing diverse caregivers in the aggregate and the opportunities to recognize and support them across settings.

Cardinal Cullen, Early Fenianism, and the MacManus Funeral Affair

1995 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-563
Author(s):  
Oliver P. Rafferty
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Government ◽  
John Mitchel ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Phoenix

The political threat posed by the growth of Fenianism in Ireland in the late 1850s and early 1860s has generally been underplayed by much present-day historiography. Even contemporaries were not disposed to see American Fenianism as much of a danger to the constitutional stability of Ireland. The Dublin police authorities decided to recall sub-inspector Thomas Doyle from his surveillance work in America in July 1860. By that time Doyle had sent dozens of reports on Irish-American revolutionary activity. On the basis of his reports the authorities knew that John O'Mahony and Michael Dohney, both of 1848 notoriety, were prominently involved in Phoenix and Fenian conspiracy. They also knew the general points of the ‘phoenix theory’ that England's difficulty was Ireland's opportunity, that men were being recruited and drilled in large numbers in the U.S. for a possible invasion of Ireland, that ‘O'Mahony's theory [was] … to root out the Government, to cut down the landlords, and to confiscate the land of Ireland’, and that John Mitchel had gone to Paris as an agent for the ‘phoenix confederacy’ in the U.S.

Rhetoric and Critical Cultural Studies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Sloop
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Graduate Programs ◽  
Affect Theory ◽  
Specific Area ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Studies ◽  
Culture Study ◽  
Broad Area ◽  
The U.S

While each term denoting the area of “Rhetoric and Critical/Cultural Studies” denotes a broad area of academic study on its own, there are numerous to contain or capture a specific area of study. Regardless of how it gets cordoned off, the area is defined by similar themes. In one sense, the area now going under this banner begins with the march of British cultural studies (especially, the so-called Birmingham School under Stuart Hall’s leadership) into the U.S. academic discussion that began in the 1970s. As this particular study of culture found its way into communication studies departments across the country, many scholars emerging from their graduate programs were shaping the area of rhetoric and critical/cultural scholars in the very act of researching the ways meanings/ideology were constrained and enabled by the operation of the entire circuit of meaning (i.e., production, consumption, representation, identity, and regulation). As the critical/culture study of rhetoric and communication has grown, several themes have emerged: (a) the study of ideological and discursive constraints (often linked to a critique of neoliberalism); (b) the study of media ecology and its way of shaping meaning; (c) studies focusing on reception/agency/resistance; (d) studies concerning materialism and the ways communication is altered by the political economy; (e) studies based in performativity; and (f) studies based in affect theory. In general, regardless of the orientation, these studies are concerned with issues of power and action around intersectional axes such as gender, race, class, sexuality, ethnicity, class, and nationality.

Thoughts of a French-Speaking African on African-American Relations

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
Simon Kiba
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Economic Planning ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The U.S

Economic planning in America, while not promoting socialism, did at least prevent officials and Africanists in the U.S. from being caught short by the wave of African independence which broke in 1960. Indeed, such planning seems to have insured that the U.S. would be present in Africa at that historic moment.

“An Inside Thing to Live by”: Refusal, Conjure, and Black Feminist Imaginaries among Granny Midwives

Hypatia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Lindsey Stewart
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Black Feminist ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Black Liberation ◽  
Black Feminists ◽  
Conjure Woman ◽  
Birthing Practices ◽  
American Thought

Abstract “Granny midwives” often based their authority to practice midwifery on the spiritual traditions of rootwork or conjure passed down by the foremothers who trained them. However, granny midwives were compelled to give up their conjure-infused methods of birthing if they wanted to become licensed (that is, to get a “permit”) or be authorized by the state to continue their practice of midwifery. In response, some granny midwives refused to recognize the authority of the state in the birthing realm, willfully retaining rootwork in their birthing practices. In this article, I contrast the response of granny midwives, a politics of refusal, with another major tradition in African American thought, a politics of recognition, such as gaining citizenship and rights, permits, and licenses from the state. Due to the political stakes of the granny midwife's conflict with the state, I argue that black feminists often endow the figure of the granny midwife (or more broadly, the conjure woman) with the political significance of refusal in our emancipatory imaginaries. To demonstrate this, I will analyze the interventions in black liberation politics that two black feminist writers make through their invocation of granny midwives: Zora Neale Hurston's essay, “High John de Conquer,” and Toni Morrison's novel, Paradise.

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