Sarah Grimké’s Quaker Liberalism

Author(s):  
Lisa Pace Vetter

Sarah Grimké’s Letters on the Equality of the Sexes is considered one of the first systematic accounts of women’s oppression in America. To explore her Quaker-based political theory, Grimké’s work is situated within research on Quaker constitutionalism and Founder John Dickinson. Grimké and Dickinson offer an egalitarian, non-patriarchal understanding of religion and politics. For both, the word of God is accessible directly by individuals through synteresis, an inner light, which is interpreted through human reason. An eternal fundamental constitution, based on these interpretations, informs the creation of political institutions and civil society in particular nations like America. Slavery and the oppression of women would have no place in a society guided by the eternal constitution. Reason is fallible, however, and the word of God is often misinterpreted by individuals or misapplied in particular societies, thereby allowing injustices such as slavery and women’s oppression to flourish. Reform requires returning to first principles through collective deliberation.

Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Greenwood Onuf

Foucault’s sense of the modern epoch finds Kant everywhere in the background. If, for Kant, nature appears to accommodate our needs, human reason nevertheless has a purpose beyond ourselves; nature’s purpose dictates our use of reason. Kant had us use reason to progress from savagery to animal husbandry and the cultivation of the land, mutual exchange, culture, and civil society. Better known are Smith’s four stages of human history: the Ages of Hunters, Shepherds, Agriculture, and Commerce. Set back by nomadic barbarians, Europe belatedly developed a novel society of independent nations, ever vigilant (and often enough at war), committed to improving their productive capabilities and reaping the benefits of commerce. Rationalization and positivism marked the final stage, which in turn required a positive legal order grounded in unimpeachable sources of law. These James Madison definitively articulated when he was U.S. secretary of state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aileen O’Gorman ◽  
Eberhard Schatz

Abstract Background A range of civil society organisations (CSOs) such as drug user groups, non-governmental/third sector organisations and networks of existing organisations, seek to shape the development of drugs policy at national and international levels. However, their capacity to do so is shaped by the contexts in which they operate nationally and internationally. The aim of this paper is to explore the lived experience of civil society participation in these contexts, both from the perspective of CSOs engaged in harm reduction advocacy, and the institutions they engage with, in order to inform future policy development. Methods This paper is based on the presentations and discussions from a workshop on ‘Civil Society Involvement in Drug Policy hosted by the Correlation - European Harm Reduction Network at the International Society for the Study of Drugs Policy (ISSDP) annual conference in Paris, 2019. In the aftermath of the workshop, the authors analysed the papers and discussions and identified the key themes arising to inform CSI in developing future harm reduction policy and practice. Results Civil society involvement (CSI) in policy decision-making and implementation is acknowledged as an important benefit to representative democracy. Yet, the accounts of CSOs demonstrate the challenges they experience in seeking to shape the contested field of drug policy. Negotiating the complex workings of political institutions, often in adversarial and heavily bureaucratic environments, proved difficult. Nonetheless, an increase in structures which formalised and resourced CSI enabled more meaningful participation at different levels and at different stages of policy making. Conclusions Civil society spaces are colonised by a broad range of civil society actors lobbying from different ideological standpoints including those advocating for a ‘drug free world’ and those advocating for harm reduction. In these competitive arena, it may be difficult for harm reduction orientated CSOs to influence the policy process. However, the current COVID-19 public health crisis clearly demonstrates the benefits of partnership between CSOs and political institutions to address the harm reduction needs of people who use drugs. The lessons drawn from our workshop serve to inform all partners on this pathway.


Author(s):  
Laura Suarsana

AbstractThis chapter presents empirical results on the German LandFrauen clubs and associations as contemporary elements of German civil society from the conceptual perspective of social innovation, as an approach which is expected to hold high potential particularly for rural areas. The analysis shows that the German LandFrauen clubs and associations are highly engaged in initiating change and development in rural Germany by uniquely addressing women’s needs through social, cultural, and educational offers. Here, the members’ social interactions function as a basis and starting point for further activities providing impulses in local development.As prerequisites that enable the LandFrauen to pursue their activities, two key characteristics were identified: (1) Their practices are integrated into specific local fields and highly adaptive to local needs and interests through the deep integration of the large and diverse base of members in their local villages and rural society, which allows for functions as local initiators, catalysts, and multipliers in regional development. (2) The institutional frame of clubs and associations allows for support, cooperation, and exchange across the vertical and horizontal structure, and provides access to resources and a broad network to external partners.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-131
Author(s):  
Bani Syarif Maula

Islam in Indonesia is culturally very different from that in the Middle East, particularly related to a tradition of greater freedom for women in public places. In Indonesia, there are many women entering public and political arena and even women are seeking and achieving unprecedented power and influence in public life. However, there are some barriers from religion and culture that give burdens to women to express their political views and to involve in public life. Very often women who want to enter politics find that the political and public environment is not conducive to their participation. This paper discusses cultural, religious, and political factors of the difficulties faced by Indonesian Muslim women to participate freely in public and political lives. This paper looks at how women’s status in cultural and social structure influences the involvement of women in political activities. This study is a philosophical investigation of the value of culture, religion, and politics to Indonesian women in democratic practices. With the use of intensive reading of books and other information sources, together with policy document analysis, the study aims to explore the problems and possibilities of putting the visions of democracy into practice in contemporary Indonesian women, to explore the nature of culture, religion, and politics in Indonesia in influencing women’s political activism, and to understand both the status of Muslim women and the dynamics of Muslim societies in Indonesia. This paper concludes that women are still under-represented in public and political institutions in Indonesia. The long struggle of women’s movement for equal rights has not been easy due to the cultural and religious reasons.


2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Rhonheimer

Giovanni Paolo II nel suo Magistero ha trattato ampiamente il tema della legge naturale, in particolare nell’Enciclica Veritatis Splendor, ove è possibile reperire una trattazione sulla definizione, l’essenza e le caratteristiche di essa secondo l’insegnamento di Tommaso d’Aquino. La legge naturale è una legge propria dell’uomo creato quale essere libero e razionale, la cui ragione, partecipe della ragione divina e ordinatrice, è capace di reperire in se stessa, in base alle inclinazioni naturali della persona umana, i principi primi e, in tal modo, svolgere funzione normativa e di discernimento sul bene e sul male. La legge naturale è la stessa ragione umana in quanto compie questo ruolo normativo nell’unità sostanziale di corpo e anima spirituale. Nella Veritatis Splendor la questione etica si esplica mediante una trattazione sull’oggetto dell’azione, dal quale dipende fondamentalmente la moralità dell’atto umano poiché nell’oggetto viene a trovarsi il fine immediato o proximus di una libera scelta della volontà guidata dalla ragione. Tale insegnamento trova applicazione nell’ambito dell’etica della vita nei tre grandi temi affrontati da Giovanni Paolo II nell’Enciclica Evangelium Vitae: il divieto assoluto di uccidere, che si specifica in particolare nella condanna di atti quali l’uccisione diretta di un innocente, l’aborto e l’eutanasia, deriva da una fondamentale violazione della giustizia, fondata sull’uguaglianza. La scelta deliberata della morte di un soggetto, intesa quale fine o mezzo, con la relativa strumentalizzazione della vita e della persona, è perciò sempre moralmente illecita. Così, Giovanni Paolo II ha presentato una dottrina coerente atta ad evidenziare il nesso fra legge naturale, oggetto morale degli atti umani ed etica della vita. Il divieto di uccidere è un principio primo ed universale della stessa legge naturale che, perseguendo il bene dell’uomo, viene, come diritto naturale, a costituire il fondamento della convivenza umana nella società. ---------- John Paul II broadly dealt with the topic of natural law in his Magisterial teaching, particularly in the Encyclical Veritatis Splendor, where it is possible to retrieve a treatment on the definition, the essence and the characteristics of it according to the teaching of Thomas Aquinas. Natural law is a law proper of man created as a free and rational being, whose reason, participating of the divine and ordaining reason, is able to retrieve in itself, according to the natural inclinations of the human person, the first principles and, in such way, to develop normative function and of discernment on the good and on the evil. The natural law is the human reason itself as it achieves this normative role in the substantial unity of body and spiritual soul. In Veritatis Splendor the ethical matter is expounded through a treatment on the object of the action, on which the morality of the human act fundamentally depends, since in the object it comes to be the immediate end itself or proximus of a free choice of the will driven by the reason. Such teaching finds application within the ethics of life in the three great themes faced by John Paul II in the Encyclical Evangelium Vitae: the absolute prohibition to kill, that is particularly specified in the condemnation of acts as the direct killing of an innocent, the abortion and the euthanasia, derives from a fundamental violation of the justice, founded upon the equality. The deliberate choice of the death of a subject, intended as end or mean, with the relative exploitation of the life and the person, is therefore always morally illicit. This way, John Paul II presented a coherent doctrine able to underline the connection between natural law, moral object of the human acts and ethics of life. The prohibition to kill is a first and universal principle of the natural law itself that, aiming at the good of man, it comes, as natural right, to constitute the base of the human cohabitation in the society.


Author(s):  
M. V. Kharkevich

The article is devoted to the analysis of the so called impossibility theorem, according to which democracy, state sovereignty and globalization are mutually exclusive and cannot function to the full extent when present simultaneously. This theorem, elaborated in 2011 by Dani Rodrik, a famous economist from Harvard University, poses a fundamental problem about the prospects of the global scalability of political institutions of the nation-state. Is it in principle possible to globalize executive, legislative and judicial branches of power, civil society, and democracy, or is it necessary to limit globalization in order to preserve democracy and nation-state? Rodrik’s conclusions, in essence, make one give up hopes to create global democratic order against the background of global capitalism. On the basis of the Stanford School of Sociological Institutionalism and the reconstruction of the historical materialism by Jürgen Habermas, the author refutes Rodrik’s theorem. The author’s analysis shows that not only is it possible to build democratic order at the global level, but also that it already exists in the form of the world culture that includes such norms as electoral democracy, nation-state, civil society and other institutions of Modernity. The world culture reproduces fundamental social values, playing the role of social integration for the humanity, while global capitalism provides for its material reproduction, playing the role of system integration. However, since globalization is a more dynamic process than the development of the world culture, between material and ideational universalism arises a gap, which in its turn is fraught with various kinds of political and economic crises.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-128
Author(s):  
Ned Rossiter

I start with the premise that the decoupling of the state from civil society and the reassertion of the multitudes over the unitary figure of ‘the people’ coincides with a vacuum in political institutions of the state. Against Chantal Mouffe’s promotion of an ‘agonistic democracy’, I argue that the emergent idiom of democracy within networked, informational settings is a non- or post-representative one that can be understood in terms of processuality. I maintain that a non-representative, processual democracy corresponds with new institutional formations peculiar to organised networks that subsist within informationality.


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