China’s Economic Approach to ASEAN

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chen Shaofeng
Keyword(s):  
East Asian ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Approach ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Trading Patterns ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The implementation of the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) has deepened regional economic connectivity. Even so, challenges brought about by the potential of TPP, unsustainable trading patterns, and ASEAN misgivings remain concerning the prospect of CAFTA. The author presents two trends: On the one hand is the trend that bilateral economic ties will be further enhanced and, looking ahead, that ASEAN member states will benefit more from CAFTA. On the other hand, distrust and misgivings about China are mounting among Southeast Asian countries, largely due to the unresolved territorial disputes. Hence, the gap between their close economic ties and strategic mistrust will likely grow. Countries in East Asian have to struggle between these conflicting trends.

scholarly journals Economic and Political Aspects of the Serbia — EAEU Free Trade Area

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-131
Author(s):  
A. V. Toropygin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The One

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.

scholarly journals Los Acuerdos de Asociación de la UE con África y América Latina: La nueva apuesta europea por Tratados de Libre Comercio con cooperación

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 837
Author(s):  
Eduardo Bidaurratzaga ◽  
Patxi Zabalo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The One

This paper examines the scope and potential effects of the association agreements promoted by the European Union in order to institutionalize its relations with countries or groups of countries in Africa and Latin America. The content of the agreements goes beyond traditional trade issues in two ways. On the one hand, apart from a free trade area, they also include political and development cooperation components. On the other, the agreements address a set of issues that aim to go beyond those covered by the WTO.

Whither the people in the ASEAN Community?

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Management Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The People ◽  
Droits Humains ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN’s progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility.Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional.Résumé: L’effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l’inclination libérale qui privilégie, d’une part, l’individu et la communauté et, d’autre part, l’insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l’État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l’ANASE dans le cadre d’une refonte de l’Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l’idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l’ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale.

scholarly journals Sang Naga Membelit Asean: Kebijakan Ekonomi China Pasca Diterima sebagai Anggota WTO

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tirta M. Mursitama ◽  
Haura E. Erwin
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The World ◽  
Investment Agreement ◽  
Reform And Opening Up ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

Since its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), China has been playing its greater role as a new giant economy more actively in international trade and has succeeded in strengthening its economic relations with its neighboring countries including Southeast Asian countries, which are the members of ASEAN. This paper particularly discusses China's economic policies in ASEAN after China gained its membership in the WTO. We focuses mainly on the agreement on trade in goods under the scheme of ASEAN China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) and the investment agreement between China and ASEAN that affects its economic relations with ASEAN. We argue that China's economic policies in ASEAN as concrete and systematic implementation of "reform and opening up " policies initiated more than 30 years ago. Strategically, it has played one of the major and most important roles in strengthening its economic relations with ASEAN and that the state's role is the key to the success of China's economic policies in ASEAN.

scholarly journals Regional Economic Building Amidst Rising Protectionism and Economic Nationalism in ASEAN

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Christian Chandra
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Reform ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Regulatory Changes ◽  
Asean Economic Community ◽  
Political Economy Approach

Despite its ambitious ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) project, protectionism and economic nationalism are on the rise in ASEAN. Protectionism, however, is not new to Southeast Asia, with governments across the region employ such an inward-looking economic policy when they enjoy economic stability, and pursue economic reform when confronted with major economic challenges. Unfortunately, embryonic industries will always exist in the region, and governments will find excuses to safeguard their existence. Consistent with the so-called 'Murdoch Schoold of critical political-economy' approach, this article mainly argues that the inclination towards protectionism in ASEDAN is primarily rooted in the domestic political-economy of ASEAN Member States. Apart from bringing about domestic regulatory changes, major economic liberalisationinitiatives of ASEAN, such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area and the AEC, significantly redistribute power and resources, and ignite struggles between competing domestic economic influences, many of which are in favour of government's protection. Whilst existing technical initiatives to address protectionism are useful, major crises that encourage major structural adjustments in all AMS might be needed to overcome fundamental protectionist inclination in the region

scholarly journals Indonesia dan Persaingan di Era Asean Economic Community

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendra Maujana Saragih
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Economic Opportunity ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Systemic Impact ◽  
Strategic Position ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Asean Economic Community

Abstract This paper focusing on looking at Indonesia's readiness to deal with the Era of the Economic Community in ASEAN with the urgency that Indonesia's preparations should have a systemic impact on Indonesia's economic growth. The socialization that has been carried out continues and continues to be inflated by every child of the nation so as not to lose compete and be swallowed by the existence of regional countries that really use ASEAN Economic Community as a positive and constructive economic opportunity for each ASEAN member country officially. ASEAN Economic Community is one form of Free Trade Area (FTA) and located in Southeast Asia .ASEAN Economic Community which is formed with a mission to make the economy in ASEAN to be better and able to compete with countries whose economy is more advanced than the condition of ASEAN countries currently. The realization of ASEAN Economic Community, can make ASEAN a more strategic position in the international arena. Researchers expect that with the realization of the ASEAN economic community can open the eyes of all parties, resulting in an inter-sectoral dialogue that will also complement each other among the stakeholders of the economic sector in ASEAN countries and this is very inherent formally. Keywords: Competition, Free Trade Area, Opportunity, Challenge

The Political Economy of NAFTA/USMCA

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Mariano Sánchez-Talanquer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The North ◽  
Positive Side ◽  
The One ◽  
United States Mexico

When the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into force on January 1st, 1994, it created the largest free trade area in the world, and the one with the largest gaps in development between member countries. It has since served as a framework for trilateral commercial exchange and investment between Canada, Mexico, and the United States. NAFTA’s consequences have been mixed. On the positive side, the total value of trade in the region reached $1.1 trillion in 2016, more than three times the amount in 1994, and total foreign direct investment among member countries also grew significantly. However, the distribution of benefits has been very uneven, with exposure to international competition reducing economic opportunity and increasing insecurity for certain sectors in all three countries. Twenty-four years later, the three countries renegotiated the terms of NAFTA and renamed it the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA). The negotiation responded in part to the need to modernize the agreement, but mostly to President Donald Trump’s concerns about NAFTA’s effect on the U.S. economy and the fairness of its terms. Although the revised agreement incorporated rules that modernize certain aspects of the institutional framework, some new provisions also make trade and investment relations in North America more uncertain.

From Idolatry to Religions: the Missionary Discourses on Hinduism and Buddhism and the Invention of Monotheistic Confucianism, 1550-1700

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 499-536
Author(s):  
Joan-Pau Rubiés
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Popular Religion ◽  
The Other ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Japanese Buddhism ◽  
Christian Apologetics ◽  
The One

Abstract The emergence of a European discourse to distinguish, analyze, and historicize various non-Biblical religious traditions within Asia involved a significant amplification of the concept of idolatry. The Jesuit experience of Japanese Buddhism in the second half of the sixteenth century posed a particular challenge, because of its overt atheism. The patristic models of Christian apologetics, based on distinguishing elite monotheism from popular religion in ancient paganism, had been useful in India, but in Japan had to be replaced by a system where the elite cultivated an atheistic form of esoteric monism. When focusing their dialectical firepower upon the doctrines of double truth and non-theistic monism, the Jesuits, led by Alessandro Valignano, were in fact responding to the doctrinal distinctiveness of East Asian Buddhism, notably the emphasis on provisional teachings, on the one hand, and Buddha-nature, on the other. When in China Ricci decided to classify the Confucian literati as civil philosophers rather than as a religious elite, he also transferred Valignano’s critique of Buddhist pantheism to specifically Neo-Confucian doctrines, distinct from the supposed monotheism of the original Confucians.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document