scholarly journals Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Roman Savenkov

The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis.In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. A meaningful factor of narrowing legal opportunities for public contestation is the potential financial, organizational and information support of public contestation practices by foreign entities.

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Nyberg ◽  
John Murray

This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized corporate political activity, which undermined deliberation about the common good. The findings explain how the public sphere is refeudalized through corporate manipulation of deliberative processes via what we term corporate citizenspeak—simultaneously speaking as corporate citizens and for individual citizens. Corporate citizenspeak illustrates the duplicitous engagement of firms as political actors, claiming political legitimacy while subverting deliberative norms. This contributes to the theoretical development of corporations as political actors by explaining how corporate interests are aggregated to represent the common good and how corporate political activity is employed to dominate the public sphere. This has important implications for understanding how corporations undermine democratic principles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-170
Author(s):  
Darya I. Judina ◽  
◽  
Sergei A. Ivanov ◽  

The Internet as a special space for political activity and political communication is becoming more and more attractive to political actors. The intensification of political activity on the Internet leads to the increase of researchers’ interest. One of the prominent areas of this research is the analysis of the efficiency of communication strategies used by politically oriented communities on the Internet. The results of such assessment contribute to, in particular, characterizing the level and features of the political engagement of Internet users into political processes. To study these processes, a telephone survey of residents of St. Petersburg was conducted. St. Petersburg was chosen because it is one of the largest cities in Russia with high Internet coverage and a high level of political activity compared to other regions. The results showed that politically oriented communities effectively implement primary communication strategies — information and presentation. More than two-thirds of politically active Internet users in St. Petersburg noted that visiting the relevant resources helped them to understand the political situation, to define their attitude toward parties, politicians, social movements and organizations. At the same time, the strategy of supporting political identification has not yet worked for the majority of users. Perhaps this is a consequence of the fact that the majority of St. Petersburg citizens have not yet found appropriate political leaders and organizations. The authors found that the majority of Internet users display an interest in politics permanently, and not only during the pre-election period. The hypothesis that one of the factors of an efficient strategy of politically oriented communities is emphasizing anti-power positions was confirmed. The survey results also confirmed the high level of opposition views among Internet users.


Politics ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Savigny

In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.


2001 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM H. DUTTON ◽  
WAN-YING LIN

In the 1996 US Presidential elections, new information and communication technologies (ICTs), particularly the Internet and World Wide Web (Web), began to play a visible role in US campaigns and elections, and its role has expanded to shape the political process more generally. Case studies have shown how the Web, for example, can facilitate the rapid exchange of information that is essential to coordinating political activity. By virtue of reducing the costs of communication, it has become accessible to grassroots organisations without the resources to mount more traditional media campaigns. This study looks in-depth at one campaign – Stop the Overlay – which employed the Internet and Web to effect public policy and regulatory change locally, but with implications for California and the US. Our study led us to employ the framework of an ecology of games to discuss the interplay among the separate but interdependent decisions and games that shaped the campaign. The case shows how this Web-orchestrated campaign was one element that reconfigured the ecology of games in ways that influenced policy decisions. It accomplished this not only by altering the costs of communication, but by reshaping access and thereby changing the networks of communication among political actors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Ye. S. Romanenko

In this article the author has made a theoretical analysis of law enforcement officials’ professional competence and has defined the meaning of professional competence of the police officer in the tactical-operational respond unit (TOR) of the National Police of Ukraine. Taking into consideration specific official tasks and professional activity the author describes the main abilities of the police unit (TOR). Among the structural components of professional competence of the police unit TOR: personal, active, social competence is separated. It is shown the intentional filling of structural ingredients of the professional competence of the police unit TOR. It is underlined that the actuality of the research of the development of police officers’ professional competence in this tactical-operational respond unit is connected with the increasing of citizens’ “close” looks at the police actions on the whole and a new-organized unit of the patrol police especially.    Social-economic and political changes which are taking place in the lives of modern Ukrainians are characterized by the considerable increase of their civil activity and are expressed by their participation in public events of the different types: political, economic, social, sports, cultural, gendered, religious, ecological and so on. Considering Ukrainians’ high political activity, the urgent necessity of security guaranteeing and holding the public order were formed by the National Police Bodies during public events with participation of a great number of people. That’s why on purpose of providing civil security and law-and-order guard of the public events in 2017 the new unit of patrol police of tactical-operational respond TOR was organized. The new challenges have arisen before the new-organized police unit [3, 6]: to minimize the risks which may appear during public events; to decrease tense in the crowd without demonstrating force; to prevent and to resist street criminality; to be on patrol in the city for the operational support of the patrol police crews in the case of calls with the higher degree of the risk; to react on the situations where there is a real threat of using the weapon or another threat to people’s life; to detain people who are hiding from justice or are wanted and can be dangerous. “We need the units of the civil guard with a new mentality, and absolutely a new approach”, said the assistant of the minister of MIA of Ukraine S. Yarovyi in his interview [3].    The fulfillment of the mentioned tasks demands from the policemen a high level of preparation and professional competence, which is expressed according to O. Tsylmak in the person’s possibility to use the set of acquired knowledge, skills and abilities in practical professional activity effectively [11]. The actuality of the research of the development of professional competence of a police officer in the tactical –operational respond unit is connected with the increasing of people’s “close” looks at the policemen in general and the new-organized patrol police unit in particular. The question of the policeman’s professional competence is a central one because nowadays in the communication with the policemen people use technical means of fixation (such as photo-, video-fixation), somebody to protect themselves against the police misconduct, somebody to show policemen “in not the most flattering light”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-1-116-7
Author(s):  
Raphael Antonius Frick ◽  
Sascha Zmudzinski ◽  
Martin Steinebach

In recent years, the number of forged videos circulating on the Internet has immensely increased. Software and services to create such forgeries have become more and more accessible to the public. In this regard, the risk of malicious use of forged videos has risen. This work proposes an approach based on the Ghost effect knwon from image forensics for detecting forgeries in videos that can replace faces in video sequences or change the mimic of a face. The experimental results show that the proposed approach is able to identify forgery in high-quality encoded video content.


Author(s):  
Matthew Hindman

The Internet was supposed to fragment audiences and make media monopolies impossible. Instead, behemoths like Google and Facebook now dominate the time we spend online—and grab all the profits from the attention economy. This book explains how this happened. It sheds light on the stunning rise of the digital giants and the online struggles of nearly everyone else—and reveals what small players can do to survive in a game that is rigged against them. The book shows how seemingly tiny advantages in attracting users can snowball over time. The Internet has not reduced the cost of reaching audiences—it has merely shifted who pays and how. Challenging some of the most enduring myths of digital life, the book explains why the Internet is not the postindustrial technology that has been sold to the public, how it has become mathematically impossible for grad students in a garage to beat Google, and why net neutrality alone is no guarantee of an open Internet. It also explains why the challenges for local digital news outlets and other small players are worse than they appear and demonstrates what it really takes to grow a digital audience and stay alive in today's online economy. The book shows why, even on the Internet, there is still no such thing as a free audience.


Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


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