Electing the Senate

Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.


Author(s):  
Beth Breeze

This book is the first academic study of the profession of fundraising in the UK. Fundraising is an essential yet largely invisible career, despite its growing importance during a period of extensive public spending cuts and growing reliance on charities. There is a growing body of work focused on donors, such that the identity and motivation of those who provide resources are increasingly understood. Yet little is known about the motivation and characteristics of those who ask for voluntary support, despite almost every donation being solicited. As it is not possible to understand charitable giving without accounting for the role of fundraising, this book provides the first empirically-grounded and theorised account of the identity, characteristics and motivation of fundraisers in the UK. Based on original data collected during a 3-year study of over 1,200 fundraisers, the book describes the complexity and subtlety of their everyday practices and makes an argument that the ‘new fundraisers’ have recently emerged in a necessarily complementary relationship with the far more widely discussed phenomenon of the ‘new philanthropists’. As well as a corrective to the lack of meaningful academic interest in this subject, this book is also a response to the growing hostility to fundraising in both the public and political spheres. It provides a better understanding of this important aspect of social life, and challenges the illogical position whereby charities are widely admired, but the people who keep them in business are not.


2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Hebdon ◽  
Douglas Hyatt ◽  
Maurice Mazerolle

Using a large data set of large and small bargaining units, this paper examines the implications for collective bargaining disputes of the evolution toward small bargaining units and the move to nontraditional forms of representation. It is found that smaller bargaining units, as well as independent unions in both the public and private sectors, are less likefy to reach an impasse. This finding supported those hypothesizing the cooperative nature of these organizations. These two sets of results suggest that the movement to smaller bargaining units, and towards more independent representation, will result in a higher proportion ofdirectly negotiated settlements in the future. However, a reduced incidence of impasse does not necessarily mean a reduction in industrial conflict. We found evidence of a shift away from a collective expression of conflict such as strikes, to more individual expressions. Thus, in the future, there may be a greater need for internal conflict resolution Systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0013189X2110488
Author(s):  
Matt Grossmann ◽  
Sarah Reckhow ◽  
Katharine O. Strunk ◽  
Meg Turner

How did political factors and public health affect state and local education decisions during the COVID-19 pandemic, especially the continuation of in-person schooling? Using an original data set of state policies, we find that governors ordered school closures in spring 2020 but left decisions to districts in the fall, regardless of partisanship. Analyzing local district reopening plans, however, we find that decisions were more tied to local political partisanship and union strength than to COVID-19 severity. Republicans in the public were also more favorable than Democrats toward in-person learning. States’ decisions to leave reopening plans to their districts opened the way for the influence of local partisanship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 603-608
Author(s):  
BEN HAMMOND ◽  
LEAH ROSENSTIEL

When estimating the political determinants of the federal budget, scholars face a choice between using measures of funding and measures of spending as their outcome of interest. We examine the consequences of this choice. In particular, we argue that spending outcomes may serve as a poor test of the research questions scholars seek to answer, since spending data conflate competing budgetary influences, are downstream measures of the appropriations that originated them, and induce measurement error. To test our claim, we compare the spending data used in a recent study (Berry and Fowler 2016: American Journal of Political Science 60 (3): 692–708) with an original data set of military construction appropriations. While an analysis of the spending data produces a null result, the same analysis using the appropriations data provides strong evidence that legislators use their committee positions to distribute pork. Our findings have broad implications for studies that use measures of spending in the congressional and presidency literatures.


Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 2181
Author(s):  
Junyan Li ◽  
Kang Yin ◽  
Chengpei Tang

Currently, there are various works presented in the literature regarding the activity recognition based on WiFi. We observe that existing public data sets do not have enough data. In this work, we present a data augmentation method called window slicing. By slicing the original data, we get multiple samples for one raw datum. As a result, the size of the data set can be increased. On the basis of the experiments performed on a public data set and our collected data set, we observe that the proposed method assists in improving the results. It is notable that, on the public data set, the activity recognition accuracy improves from 88.13% to 97.12%. Similarly, the recognition accuracy is also improved for the data set collected in this work. Although the proposed method is simple, it effectively enhances the recognition accuracy. It is a general channel state information (CSI) data augmentation method. In addition, the proposed method demonstrates good interpretability.


Author(s):  
Lalitha Ramadass ◽  
Sushanth Arunachalam ◽  
Sagayasree Z.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to inspect whether the people in a public place maintain social distancing. It also checks whether every individual is wearing face mask. If both are not done, the drone sends alarm signal to nearby police station and also give alarm to the public. In addition, it also carries masks and drop them to the needed people. Nearby, traffic police will also be identified and deliver water packet and mask to them if needed. Design/methodology/approach The proposed system uses an automated drone which is used to perform the inspection process. First, the drone is being constructed by considering the parameters such as components selection, payload calculation and then assembling the drone components and connecting the drone with the mission planner software for calibrating the drone for its stability. The trained yolov3 algorithm with the custom data set is being embedded in the drone’s camera. The drone camera runs the yolov3 algorithm and detects the social distance is maintained or not and whether the people in public is wearing masks. This process is carried out by the drone automatically. Findings The proposed system delivers masks to people who are not wearing masks and tells importance of masks and social distancing. Thus, this proposed system would work in an efficient manner after the lockdown period ends and helps in easy social distance inspection in an automatic manner. The algorithm can be embedded in public cameras and then details can be fetched to the camera unit same as the drone unit which receives details from the drone location details and store it in database. Thus, the proposed system favours the society by saving time and helps in lowering the spread of corona virus. Practical implications It can be implemented practically after lockdown to inspect people in public gatherings, shopping malls, etc. Social implications Automated inspection reduces manpower to inspect the public and also can be used in any place. Originality/value This is the original project done with the help of under graduate students of third year B.E. CSE. The system was tested and validated for accuracy with real data.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Bromley-Trujillo ◽  
Mirya Holman ◽  
Andres Sandoval

What factors influence agenda setting behavior in state legislatures in the United States? Using the localized effects of climate change, we examine whether notable changes in temperature can raise the salience of the issue, thus encouraging a legislative response. To evaluate the behavior of individual legislators around climate policy, we utilize an original data set that includes geographic mapping of climate anomalies at the state legislative district level and incorporates individual, chamber, district, and state characteristics to predict climate bill sponsorship. Using a multilevel model that estimates climate change bill sponsorship among 25,000 legislators from 2011 to 2015, we find a robust relationship between temperature anomalies and bill sponsorship for Democratic members of state legislators while Republicans are unresponsive to such factors. Our data and methodological approach allow us to examine legislative action on climate change beyond final policy passage and offers an opportunity to understand the motivations behind climate innovation in the American states.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 955
Author(s):  
Vladimira Ilić

This paper strives to emphasize one of the roles of emotion in the political activities of political actors. In the last few years, the viewing of politicians as Others by the citizens of Serbia is becoming more and more apparent. Politics itself is viewed through the actions of politicians, which are accompanied by a more and more passive attitude towards politics in general. The paper considers empathy as one of the strategies of overcoming the lack of confidence that citizens have toward domestic politicians, or rather the attempted closeness of politicians and the citizenry and the emotional binding of (certain) politicians to the voters. Empathy is approached as the emotional ability of a person to empathize with another person or group, wherein it is considered not as an emotion but as a capability which leads to certain experiences which we call emotions. Certain politicians demonstrate it, as a strategy of displaying good will, through their public speeches and culturally standardized behavior which is, further, considered as political communication directed towards the public. Aside from the speech and behavior of politicians, the paper analyzes the reactions of the citizens to it in the form of internet comments. As this paper is part of a wider study on the use of emotions, the aim is to use this example to point out that emotions can not only be but are an important aspect of political communication and politics as such.


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