scholarly journals Public Aid and Entrepreneurship During the Covid-19 Pandemic in the European Union Countries

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (31) ◽  
pp. 57-77
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Jabłońska ◽  
Joanna Stawska ◽  
Radosław Dziuba ◽  
Mahmut Tekce ◽  
Marta Krasoń
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Local Government ◽  
State Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
Insurance Fund ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Aid ◽  
The Government ◽  
European Investment ◽  
The Impact

The aim of the article: The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic made it necessary to involve the state in the process of rescuing numerous business entities from bankruptcy. In the European Union, the aid measure for entrepreneurs takes a form of public aid, which, as it turns out, is the necessary and the only tool to protect SME sector enterprises against bankruptcy. Social isolation caused by the virus that spread on a large scale effectively inhibited the development of entrepreneurship, which is inherently related to the economic development of countries. The aim of the article is therefore to indicate that supporting entrepreneurs within the framework of public aid may help to reverse the unfavorable economic trends related to the disturbed development of entrepreneurship. Methodology: The article analyzes and assesses the government solutions introduced to the Polish economic reality, the purpose of which is to counteract the effects of Covid-19. The paper presents the current public aid tools available to entrepreneurs along with their financial dimension. Results of the research: State aid granted by the state to entrepreneurs during the crisis caused by Covid-19 is indispensable for their further functioning. The paper presents aid instruments related to COVID-19 that are available to entrepreneurs. The analysis shows that public aid addressed to entrepreneurs injured as a result of the lockdown comes from many sources and is almost tailored to the individual entrepreneur. The entities providing aid on the basis of state aid include: banks, local government units, executive bodies of local government units, Social Insurance Fund, State Fund for Rehabilitation of Disabled People, financial intermediaries, bodies constituting local government units, the European Investment Bank, Polish Development Fund, district and voivodeship labor offices and BGK (Bank Gospodarstwa Krajowego). Having prepared a package of systemic solutions, the government introduced them systematically, depending on the situation of individual sectors of the economy. Special solutions in the form of financial shields were addressed directly to the tourism sector (e.g. loans for tour operators) or the catering sector, which in the face of the pandemic were most exposed to a decrease in revenues. The impact of introduced solutions on the country’s economy can be assessed only in the next few years, but the multitude and diversified nature of the anti-crisis solutions introduced in Poland will certainly contribute to slowing down the negative consequences of Covid-19 in the economy.

Value and Structure of Public Aid in Poland Against the European Union Background During the Years 2007-2012

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
Roman Kisiel ◽  
Małgorzata Kamińska ◽  
Wiesława Lizińska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Consumer Protection ◽  
State Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Aid ◽  
Increasing Trends ◽  
The Eu

Evaluation of changes in the value and structure of public aid in Poland and EU during the years 2007-2012 was the objective of the paper. The data from reports by the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection as well as data from the State Aid Scoreboard published by the European Commission based on the information provided by the Member States concerning that aid was used. In Poland, evident increasing trends of the horizontal aid value can be observed. In 2012, as compared to 2007, it increased by 0.5 billion euro to the level of 1.64 billion euro. Its share in the total value of support oscillates within 55-60% range. In the European Union that share is generally at the level of 70-74%. In Poland, the sectoral aid is limited gradually although its magnitude still differs from the Union standards. In 2012, the share of that aid was relatively small at ca. 14% while in the EU it was 12.9%. The regional aid is at the similar level both in Poland and in the EU oscillating around 20%. However, in 2012, the share of regional aid in Poland increased to the level of 26% and it was higher by 8 pp than the share of that aid in the EU. Significant differences are characteristic for the share of the aid in the GDP. During the period covered by the study the largest differences occurred in 2010 when the share of support in Poland was 1.7% of the GDP and in the EU 0.6% of the GDP. In 2012, a half of the public aid in Poland was allocated to large enterprises. 

Russia - European Union: The continuation ofthe sanctions standoff

2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Current Data ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Year 2013

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.

Into the Vicious Cycle of Precarity: Labour Market, Precarious Work, Social Vulnerability and Youth: The case of Greece within the EU context

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 474-496
Author(s):  
Nikos Papadakis ◽  
Maria Drakaki ◽  
Sofia Saridaki ◽  
Vassilis Dafermos
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Young People ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Development Education ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
Precarious Work ◽  
The Impact

Ιn the last decade, there has been a widespread expansion of both precarious work and precarious forms of employment (such as temporary and low-qualified jobs, seasonal and part-time jobs etc.), in which a growing share of young people work. The impact of precarious work on young people is likely to be permanent, while it seems to affect (even over-determine) their life courses. Non-smooth and early transitions into labour market are very likely to worsen progressively their long-term life chances (Lodovici & Semenza, 2012: 7). Undoubtedly, the long-lasting global economic Crisis and the subsequent Recession, has heavily affected the state of play in the labour market worldwide, provoking severe modifications both in the field of employment and countries’ social cohesion. Based on the above mentioned, the paper deals with precarious work in general, while it emphasizes precarious work among youth. It initially captures, briefly, the state of play in terms of the impact of the Crisis on the widening of the phenomenon of precarious work and then it focuses on theoretical insights and critical conceptual definitions concerning precariousness in the labour market. Further, based on secondary quantitative -data analysis, it analyses the key- parameters and facets of precarious work (focusing on youth) in the European Union and, mainly, in Greece. Additionally, it briefly presents parameters of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on precariousness in Greece. Finally, the paper explores the correlation between precarious work and social vulnerability, especially among young people. The present paper is based on an ongoing Research Project. More specifically, this research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund- ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning 2014-2020» in the context of the project “Precarious Work and Youth in today’s Greece: secondary quantitative analysis, qualitative filed research and research-based policy proposals” (MIS 5048510).

The EU’s Stealthy Hegemony and Ambiguous Neighbors

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (824) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
Alexander Clarkson
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

European integration based on a supranational form of pooled sovereignty has taken on increasingly state-like qualities. With every move toward absorbing additional members, the European Union system has expanded its geographic reach. The state-like power of the EU is apparent in the impact its integration processes have had in societies just outside its borders. Its growing influence is most notable in misfit border territories, from Kaliningrad to Transnistria, and from Cyprus to Northern Ireland, that are tenuously under the political control of neighboring geopolitical powers.

Právně ekonomické aspekty kritéria právního státu jako podmínky pro přidělení prostředků z rozpočtu EU

2021 ◽  
pp. 126-143
Author(s):  
Tereza Čejková
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Financial Framework ◽  
The Impact

After expressing concerns about the state of democracy and civil rights in Poland and Germany in recent years, the European Commission proposed to implement the so-called rule of law condition in the 2021–2027 multiannual financial framework scheme, under which EU budget funding would not be allocated to those Member States which do not comply with the condition. This work will examine the financial and legal aspects of this condition and assess the impact of its application on the economy of the European Union.

scholarly journals Relevance of the Court Decision on the Hinkley Point Nuclear Power Plant in Relation to Paks II

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Dóra Lovas
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Power Plant ◽  
Nuclear Power Plant ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Nuclear Energy ◽  
State Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union

<p>The aim of the article is to present the ruling of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the case of the Hinkley Point C nuclear power plant. This investment can also be related to the Paks II nuclear power plant investment, therefore the two investments are compared too. Both projects were examined by the European Commission, which take an important part when the national aid was awarded to Hinkley Point C and Paks II projects, and the decision of the CJEU also had influence on it. The author considers the European Commission’s aid conception positive, because the less developed countries are not forced to use only the renewables, but the environmental and security aspects of nuclear energy are also allowed (e.g. Hinkley Point C and Paks II nuclear power plants). The subsidy was allowed in both cases, but the reasons are different. In these cases, the limits of the EU energy politics can be seen, i.e. the right to select the package and the priority of the energy security and sustainable development. To mention an example for the difference, in Great Britain the energy sector was divided among the participants on the market but in Hungary the nuclear energy remained under state control. In the first option the state wanted to prove that it grants offset for the help to the general market services and in the second option the market investor principle was highlighted in order to show no other market participant act in other way. These points were not accepted, the state aid was provided both cases with permissible reasons because the projects condescend the goals of environmental policy and energy security. The decisions show that as a result of the efforts to protect the environment the dependency on energy increased and it cannot be solved only be encouraging the usage of the renewables. The permissive attitude of the European Commission can be found here and it is influenced by the increased state regulative roles. According to the author, it also appears in the environmentally friendly decisions which refers to the Paris Agreement’s fulfilment and the involvement of environmental requirements into politics. Moreover, the European Union tries to maintain its leader role in economics, which can be reached by the decrease of energy dependency and the exclusive usage of renewable energies is not the appropriate solution. The CJEU judgement is relevant in several respects. The article focuses primarily on the issue of environmental protection, state aid and the relation between the Euratom Treaty and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.</p>

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC CRISIS ON THE POLAND

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 202-208
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Korczyc
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Global Analysis ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Remedial Actions ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The Impact

Purpose of the study: This study aims to present the specifics of the global financial crisis, the threats it brings for Poland in the legal sphere, and possible actions to be taken in this area, particularly at the European Union and Poland level. Methodology: The article uses the historical method and the analysis of documents both at the Polish and European Union levels, including laws, regulations, and decisions. Main Findings: The scope of the financial crisis in question and its relatively easy transfer between markets entails the necessity to apply extraordinary remedial actions. Poland, through its participation in the European Union, seems to be relatively well protected against the effects of the financial crisis. However, it needs to undertake further structural reforms, in particular reforms of public finances. Applications of this study: The current study is highly significant for the government of the day in this modern world; the study could be quite effective and meaningful for Higher Education Institutions, government, banks, financial institutions. Novelty/Originality of this study: Description of the essence of the financial crisis, possibilities of its prevention - earlier possibilities of remedial actions at the institutional and legal level, possibilities of obtaining financial support, global analysis of the problem, including its causes.

scholarly journals The Securitization of the European Migrant Crisis - Evidence From Bulgaria and Hungary (2015-2017)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Tatiana P. Rizova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Foreign Nationals ◽  
Security Concerns ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria over the past fifteen years have produced the largest waves of displaced people and refugees since World War II. As European Union (EU) leaders braced for an influx of thousands of people fleeing from these conflicts, they faced pressures to revisit and modify legal rules that left countries in Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean unable to cope with a crisis of unprecedented proportions in the twenty-first century. While the logistical challenges of this humanitarian disaster threatened to undermine Southeastern and Mediterranean states&rsquo; capacity, multiple terrorist attacks across Europe magnified the security concerns of EU leaders. This paper compares how two of the European Union&rsquo;s newest member states &ndash; Bulgaria and Hungary &ndash; have tackled the migrant crisis and assesses the impact of security concerns on their refugee policies. Some of the responses of these countries&rsquo; governments were similar &ndash; both governments mandated the erection or extension of physical barriers to impede migrants&rsquo; entry on their countries&rsquo; territory. While the Bulgarian government took cues from the rhetoric and actions of key EU leaders such as Angela Merkel, the Hungarian government continuously antagonized EU leaders and declined to cooperate with their proposed multi-lateral strategies of handling the migrant crisis. Decisions taken by the two governments were, to some extent, dictated by security concerns. The rhetoric of the Hungarian government, however, contained stronger nationalist overtones than that of the Bulgarian government. Hungary&rsquo;s Prime Minister Viktor Orb&aacute;n and his right-wing government led an anti-migrant and anti-refugee campaign that sought to exclude foreign nationals due to the patent incompatibility of their cultural values with those of Hungary&rsquo;s nationals. On the other hand, the rhetoric of Bulgaria&rsquo;s Prime Minister &ndash; Boiko Borisov &ndash; was more dualistic and contradictory. His policy statements to the foreign press or at EU summits reflected the general sentiment of the top EU brass, whereas statements made to the Bulgarian media focused more specifically on security concerns and were far more critical of the foreign nationals attempting to enter Bulgaria&rsquo;s territory. Moreover, the security-focused rhetoric and actions of the government became more strident immediately before and after the Bulgarian presidential elections of November 2016, which led to the resignation of Borisov&rsquo;s cabinet. Political parties in Bulgaria, including Borisov&rsquo;s GERB party have increasingly become critical of refugees living in Bulgaria&rsquo;s admission centers. Borisov&rsquo;s government even extradited a group of Afghan asylum seekers due to their involvement in a riot at one of the refugee admission centers. This study is based on a content analysis of statements made by Bulgarian and Hungarian government officials and media coverage in several Bulgarian and Hungarian news publications between 2015 and 2017.

scholarly journals GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AS THE MAIN PREREQUISITE FOR NARROWING THE CORRUPTION SPACE

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Oksana Safonchyk ◽  
Artem Ripenko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Professional Literature ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
State Program ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Eu

Political corruption as a social phenomenon exists in virtually all countries of the world, including those that most researchers consider as “benchmarks” in terms of the development of democracy. At the same time, there is a steady tendency towards the growth of political corruption and the evolution of corruption practices in developed democratic countries. Problems of political corruption in the professional literature are given a lot of attention but the issues related to the peculiarities of the experience of fighting political corruption in the EU in the context of the introduction of appropriate practices in Ukraine remain insufficiently researched. In the context of reforming the modern Ukrainian society, the study of problems of preventing and counteracting corruption is extremely relevant for a number of reasons: firstly, corrupt practices in the government machinery are the main obstacle to the implementation of any reforms; secondly, the high level of corruption in society, as evidenced by the results of the World CPI Corruption Perception Index 2015, decreases public confidence in the government; thirdly, it is necessary to implement the anti-corruption recommendations of the Action Plan on Visa Liberalization from the European Union (EU); fourthly, the reduction of corruption would contribute to attracting international investment, and so on. The purpose of the article is to identify features of counteraction to corruption in the countries of the European Union and to analyse the formation of government administration as the main precondition for narrowing the corruption space. To achieve this purpose, the following goals were set: to determine the level of implementation of international anti-corruption standards in the government practice of Ukraine; to investigate the formation and development of anti-corruption institutions; to analyse the experience of anti-corruption institutions in the EU; to investigate the formation of informational transparency of government space; to analyse the ratings of Ukraine regarding data openness; to find out the features of E-Declaration models as an element of public control of anti-corruption institutions in the system of public administration. Reaffirming its European aspirations, during 2001–2018, Ukraine ratified several laws in relation to the formation of anti-corruption standards: a) general and on liability for corruption offenses and offenses related to corruption; b) documents on the activities of specialized agencies for fighting corruption; c) documents on ethical rules, anti-corruption restrictions and prohibitions for certain officials and on the prevention of political corruption; d) documents on the prevention of corruption in the economy and sports; e) documents on access to information. This allows asserting that in general the legislative framework for the prevention of corruption in Ukraine has already been established. Despite the adoption of many laws, out of 200 anti-corruption measures, which, according to the State Program for the implementation of the Anticorruption Strategy, had to be implemented by state bodies by the end of 2018, about 35% had not been implemented. Anticorruption strategy for 2019 and subsequent years and the State Program for its implementation do not exist. Many important anti-corruption laws, which would help to further improve the Ukrainian economy, finance, the system of social protection of the population, and so on, were not adopted. Many of the problems that prevent effective use of the data obtained still need to be resolved. It is also necessary to find solutions for defining the electronic declaration of anti-corruption crusaders.

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