scholarly journals REINTERPRETACIONES, RESISTENCIAS Y NEGOCIACIONES EN LA PRISIÓN POLáTICA ARGENTINA 1974-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
DÉBORA D ´ANTONIO
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Strong Unit ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
Prime Location

Resumen: La creciente penetración del Estado autoritario sobre la sociedad civil durante los años sesenta y setenta tuvo como corolario una transformación profunda de los aparatos de captura. Las cárceles comenzaron a colmarse de presos y presas polá­ticos y adquirieron una fuerte unidad en los tratamientos penitenciarios para quebrar a esta población ideológica y subjetivamente. [...] Esta particularidad les dio una ventaja a las presas polá­ticas que supieron aprovechar en su favor para reclamar algunos derechos. En este artá­culo, a partir de las memorias, cartas personales y entrevistas realizadas a las ex presas polá­ticas, busco comprender las formas en las que estas mujeres desplegaron sus resistencias, las negociaciones que encararon para mejores sus condiciones de vida y la construcción de alianzas que articularon con familiares e instituciones con el fin de denunciar los vejámenes y las violaciones a los derechos humanos que se cometá­an en las cárceles.  REINTERPRETATIONS, RESISTANCE AND NEGOTIATIONS IN ARGENTINIAN POLITICAL PRISON 1974-1983Abstract: The increasing penetration of the authoritarian state over civil society during the sixties and seventies had as corollary a profound transformation of capture devices . The prisons began with political prisoners and gained a strong unit in correctional treatments to break the population ideological and  subjectively. In the Villa Devoto prison were centralized political prisoners from the last third of 1975. The prime location of this prison, in a suburb of the capital, became a very exposed site, like a kind of glazed, for the regulatory gaze of the international human rights, the neighbors and general public opinion . This fact has enabled the political prisoners fight for some rights. This article, based on the memoirs, personal letters and interviews with former political prisoners, aims at understand the ways in which these women displayed their resistance, negotiations faced for better living conditions and building partnerships they articulated with family and institutions in order to report the harassment and human rights violations suffered in prisons.  

scholarly journals International Attention and the Treatment of Political Prisoners

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie J Gruffydd-Jones
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
International Attention ◽  
International Audience

Abstract Does international attention to political prisoners make them more likely to be released? The political science literature provides theoretical reasons to believe that widely publicizing a case may make regimes both more and less likely to free their prisoners, but to date there has been no systematic examination of this issue. An analysis of political prisoners in China from 1994 to 2017 shows that international publicity of a political prisoner's case will make regimes 70 percent more likely to release them early before sentencing, but has no effect once the prisoner has been sentenced—and may even be counterproductive. This “resistance” to international efforts appears to be more closely related with demonstrating the regime's strength to an international audience rather than to a domestic one. The study shows how fine-grained data on individuals can illuminate the domestic mechanisms behind why states comply with or resist transnational activism and human rights diplomacy. ¿La atención internacional a los presos políticos hace que su liberación sea más probable? En ciencias políticas, la literatura ofrece razones teóricas para creer que la amplia difusión de un caso puede hacer que los regímenes tengan más y menos probabilidades de liberar a sus presos, pero hasta la fecha, esa cuestión no se ha evaluado sistemáticamente. Un análisis del caso de los presos políticos en China entre 1994 y 2017 demuestra que la publicidad internacional hace que los regímenes sean un 70 percent más propensos a liberarlos antes de la sentencia, pero no tiene ningún efecto una vez que el preso ha sido condenado, e incluso puede ser contraproducente. Esta “resistencia” a los esfuerzos internacionales parece tener mayor relación con la demostración de la fuerza del régimen ante un público internacional que ante uno nacional. El estudio muestra de qué manera los datos detallados sobre las personas pueden echar luz sobre los mecanismos internos que explican las razones por las que los Estados cumplen con el activismo transnacional y la diplomacia de los derechos humanos o se resisten a hacerlo. L'attention internationale accordée aux prisonniers politiques les rend-t-elle davantage susceptibles d’être libérés? La littérature consacrée aux sciences politiques offre des raisons théoriques de croire qu'une grande sensibilisation du public à un cas spécifique peut rendre les régimes à la fois plus et moins susceptibles de libérer leurs prisonniers, mais jusqu'ici, ce sujet n'a pas encore fait l'objet d'un examen systématique. Une analyse portant sur les prisonniers politiques de Chine entre 1994 et 2017 montre que la sensibilisation internationale du public au cas des prisonniers politiques rend les régimes 70 percent plus susceptibles de les libérer rapidement avant leur condamnation, mais que cela n'a aucun effet une fois que le prisonnier a été condamné et que cela peut même être contreproductif. Cette « résistance » aux efforts internationaux semble davantage étroitement liée à la volonté du régime de montrer sa force au public international plutôt qu'au public national. Cette étude illustre la manière dont des données détaillées sur les individus peuvent apporter un éclairage sur les mécanismes nationaux qui expliquent pourquoi les États se conforment ou résistent à l'activisme transnational et à la diplomatie des droits de l'Homme.

scholarly journals Hacer memoria de la defensa de los presos políticos de México desde una perspectiva soslayada

2019 ◽  
pp. 341-372
Author(s):  
Anahi Morales Hudon ◽  
Adriana Pozos Barcelata
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
Sociopolitical Context ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
Collective Process

Las memorias de los movimientos sociales son resultado de un proceso colectivo, sin embargo, la subjetividad de quienes fueron partícipes y protagonistas parte de una mirada única. La defensa de los derechos humanos en México tiene sus orígenes en el marco del movimiento armado socialista. Surgió por la iniciativa de mujeres familiares de presos políticos en el contexto de la llamada Guerra Sucia (1964-1982). En este artículo, rescatamos esta génesis y abordamos los orígenes y el proceso organizativo del primer Comité de Familiares de Presos, Perseguidos y Exiliados Políticos a partir de una entrevista en profundidad con una de sus fundadoras, Blanca Hernández. El rescate de la memoria de este comité hasta ahora soslayado, pionero en la defensa de los derechos humanos en México, permite destacar su rol histórico y resaltar las memorias de una de sus líderes y pioneras a partir de sus vivencias en diversas luchas subyacentes. Con este fin, se abordan tres dimensiones clave del origen y la trayectoria de este comité: el contexto sociopolítico en el cual surgió; las dinámicas que están detrás de la formación de estructuras de movilización y las estrategias de acción que desarrollaron, así como las dinámicas de género latentes y, finalmente, el marco de significación con base en el cual se movilizaron: los derechos humanos. Abstract: Social movements’ memories are the result of a collective process, while simultaneously the subjectivity of its members and protagonists emerge from unique perspectives. The defense of human rights in Mexico originated in the context of the socialist armed movement. It emerged as an initiative instigated by female relatives of political prisoners during the so-called Dirty War (1964-1982). In this article, we address the origins and organizational process of the first committee of relatives of the political prisoners, the persecuted and the exiled through an in-depth interview with one of its founders, Blanca Hernández. By reconstructing the memory of this pioneering committee in the defense of human rights in Mexico, this paper uncovers the committee’s historical role while underlining the memories of one of its pioneering leaders through her experiences in various struggles. We discuss three central dimensions of the origin and trajectory of this committee: the sociopolitical context in which it emerged; the dynamics behind the mobilization structures and strategies of collective action, as well as the underlying gender dynamics; and finally, the frame on which the movement mobilized, that of human rights. Keywords: subjective memories, political prisoners, committee of relatives, dirty war, Mexico.

Organization of American States

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-485 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Report ◽  
American States ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Following an investigation resulting from the request by the government of Venezuela that the Council of the Organizationof American States (OAS) ask the Inter-American Peace Committee to look into the flagrant and widespread violations of human rights by the government of the Dominican Republic, the Committee, in a special report, allegedly concurred with the charges, stressing its opinion that international tensions in the Caribbean had increased and would continue to increase, so long as the Dominican Republic persisted in its repressive policies. On the basis of evidence collected during its four-month investigation, the Committee condemned such practices as the denial of free assembly and free speech, arbitrary arrest, cruel and inhuman treatment of political prisoners, and the use of intimidation and terror as political weapons. Despite reports of 1,000 arrests for subversive activities, the Dominican Republic had accounted for only 222 such arrests and had pointed to acts of elemency granted to many of these people; the Committee had, however, been barred from visiting the country. Desirous nevertheless of avoiding any step which might adversely affect the fate of the political prisoners, and in the hope that the Dominican Republic would decree an amnesty on Easter, April 17, the Committee postponed making a pronouncement on the case; instead, it merely issued a general report on April 14 on the relationship between violations of human rights and the political tensions affecting the peace of the Hemisphere. In the later special report the Committee noted that the hope of an amnesty had turned out to be unfounded, and that it had therefore decided to examine all the information available to it, mosdy in the form either of testimony from exiles and other nationals who had recently been in the Dominican Republic or of extensive and reliable press material.

scholarly journals Creencia y praxis en la fundamentación de los Derechos Humanos. Una tensión entre metafísica y subjetividad

Pelícano ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 196-208
Author(s):  
José María Boetto
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
A Priori ◽  
Western Philosophy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Jose Ortega Y Gasset ◽  
Michel De Certeau ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Geographical Space

Belief and Praxis in The Foundation of Human Rights. A Tension between Metaphysics and Subjectivity ResumenLa fundamentación implica, al menos en un sentido inmediato, el intento de asir una determinada naturaleza, y por consiguiente conserva la pretensión de fijar –bajo una cierta categoría de conceptos inmóviles– un “algo”, que, de suyo, se realiza en el trasiego del movimiento.A partir de ello surge la siguiente problemática: ¿cómo expresar una ética acerca del hombre si este –en tanto subjetividad derelicta en el tiempo– se resiente a ser detenida y fosilizada en una categoría racional, connaturalmente quieta y ajena a la experiencia del movimiento? ¿Es posible, a partir de ello, establecer un fundamento acerca de los Derechos Humanos, que parecieran ser –al menos como supuesto– el a priori desde el cual concebir la relación ética y humana en el espacio político?A partir de ello consideramos relevante pensar, que detrás de su formulación –aún problemática y revisable– se esconde la tensión de dos modos de intelección que han atravesadoel modo de ser de la filosofía occidental, a saber: el metafísico y el pragmático.Intentaremos, desde dos autores contemporáneos, tales como José Ortega y Gasset y Michel de Certeau, que aunque disímiles en el espacio geográfico de la reflexión, congruos en cuanto al planteamiento de la relación entre “praxis, creencia y circunstancia”, ofrecer la posibilidad de una palabra sobre el intento de fundamentación de los Derechos Humanos, justificación, en que la misma praxis –sin abandonar lo revisable de la circunstancia– apela a la universalidad de creencias comunes sin fundamentación alguna en la metafísica de la verdad como sustancia. AbstractThe foundation implies, at least in an immediate sense, the attempt to grasp a certain nature, and therefore retains the claim to fix –under a certain category of immovable concepts– a “something”, which, of yours, is carried out in the movement of the movement.From this, the following problem arises: how to express an ethic about man if he –as a subjectivity that is timeless– resents being detained and fossilized in a rational category, inbornly still and oblivious to the experience of the movement? Is it possible, from this, to establish a foundation about Human Rights, which seems to be –at least as assumed– the a priori from which to conceive the ethical and human relationship in the political space?From this we consider it relevant to think that behind its formulation –still problematic and revisable– the tension of two modes of intellection that have crossed the way of being of Western philosophy is hidden, namely: the metaphysical and the pragmatic.We will try, from two contemporary authors, such as José Ortega y Gasset and Michel de Certeau, that although dissimilar in the geographical space of reflection, congruous regarding the approach of the relationship between “praxis, belief and circumstance”, offer the possibility of A word about the attempted foundation of Human Rights, justification, in which the same praxis –without abandoning the review of the circumstance– appeals to the universality of common beliefs without any foundation in the metaphysics of truth as a substance. Key words: Belief, Idea, Recognition, Otherness, Bastardy.

scholarly journals Derechos Humanos Y Democracia: Algunas Tensiones Teóricas Y Progmáticas

Xihmai ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Humberto Mejí­a Zarazúa
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Vulnerable Populations ◽  
Multinational Organizations ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Relationship

      RESUMEN Se abordan algunos aspectos de la relación entre derechos humanos y democracia. Dicha relación es importante para establecer algunas "tensiones" tanto teóricas como prácticas en relación con su universalidad, con su concreción jurí­dica, con la actuación de organismos multinacionales, con la democracia en América Latina, el culturalismo y el universalismo alrededor de los derechos humanos y la población vulnerable respecto de estos derechos. Se menciona brevemente el caso de México y se finaliza mencionando la relación entre sociedad civil y el futuro de los derechos humanos. ABSTRACT The relationship between human rights and democracy is important in that it sheds light on some theoretical as well as practical "tensions" related to its universality, its legal application, the actions of multinational organizations, democracy in Latin America, the multiculturalism and universalism associated with human rights and the position of vulnerable populations with respect to these rights. The case of Mexico is mentioned briefly and the essay concludes with an overview of the relationship between civil society and human rights. 

scholarly journals El derecho a la educación de los menores refugiados y solicitantes de asilo desde el enfoque basado en los derechos humanos: dificultades, finalidad e intervención educativa

2019 ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Adrián Neubauer Esteban
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Host Country ◽  
Intervention Programs ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Academic Context ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Country Culture ◽  
The Right ◽  
Common Barriers

The aim objective of this article is to understand the main barriers faced by refugees and asylum-seeking students in the academic context in the host country. It is also especially interesting to discuss about the purpose of educating to these minors. For this reason, we have reviewed different researches, which have focused on this topic. Once we identified and described the most common difficulties found by these studies, the problem will be analyzed using the Approach Based in Human Rights. In this way, it is possible to know the responsibilities of agents involved in the schooling of these minors. States, local authorities, educational centers and teachers are mainly responsible for guaranteeing the right to education of these children. The most common barriers are: the acquisition of the language of the host country, culture, school harassment, xenophobia and lack of teacher training. To solve this current situation, we will present four intervention programs to respond to their specific needs of refugees and asylum-seeking students based on international human rights legislation.

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