Rehabilitation Needs of Refugees with Disabilities in the United States: Implications for Vocational Rehabilitation Counselors

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Benson Kinyanjui ◽  
Veronica I. Umeasiegbu ◽  
Malachy L. Bishop

The global instability caused by natural and human-made disasters has resulted in increased numbers of refugees who seek shelter in other countries. The United States admits refugees and provides services that enable these refugees to resettle in a new environment. Among these refugees are individuals with various disabilities who require specialized rehabilitation services. This paper reviews the challenges faced by refugees with disabilities before, during and after their resettlement in the US and explores how counselors can better serve this population in order to facilitate more effective and timely integration into American society. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nitin Mukesh ◽  
Katrina A. Bramstedt

Introduction: Pediatric hand transplantation (PHT), an investigational therapy, was recently performed in the United States. Research Questions: Perspectives of hand therapists about PHT patient selection (inclusion and exclusion criteria), team configuration, patient assent, and patient compliance were explored. Design: Quantitative survey. We used a research ethics committee–approved 18-question e-link anonymous questionnaire to survey members of the American Society of Hand Therapists and the Australian (AU) Hand Therapy Association for their perspectives on PHT. Results: All surveyed hand therapists work with children (n = 18 Australia [AU], n = 85 United States) and some had been involved in adult hand transplant rehabilitation (28% AU, 21% United States; P = .543, not significant (NS)). The US and AU therapists differ regarding their opinions on multidisciplinary team membership, smoking as an exclusion criterion, and risk of posttransplant rehabilitation noncompliance. Discussion: This research opens a dialogue on the clinical and ethical complexity of PHT, including team configuration, inclusion/exclusion criteria, the assent process, and rehabilitation access/compliance. Furthermore, international perspectives are informative as they highlight funding and access issues and can potentially guide global professional society policy.


Author(s):  
Salman Khairi Mohamed ◽  
Eyad Mudhe Gerow

Researchers are increasingly interested in the creative chaos produced by American strategic thinking, especially after the official disclosure by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in 2005 that the theory of creative chaos has become a priority of US foreign policy in dealing with critical issues in the Middle East. And Iraq to achieve the goals and interests of the United States and to ensure the need for the requirements of imperial construction without taking into account the material and human costs for the purpose of substantive content reveals the secret link between the religious values on which the American society since His first concern is the American political and strategic orientation, which is characterized by its religious character


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 261-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Bazán-Figueras ◽  
Salvador J. Figueras

Abstract Research revolves around the socio-political, linguistic, and cultural aspects of “Spanglish” while considering its future in American society. A speech modality used by many Hispanics in the United States, Spanglish mixes grammatical and lexical elements from both English and Spanish and is primarily used in oral communication. The announcement by the Real Academia Española (RAE) to include Estadounidismos (a term coined by the RAE for referring to words used primarily, if not exclusively, in the US by Spanish speakers which are now part of the recognized lexicon) in its upcoming dictionary in 2014 shocked many. Furthermore, it has also placed Spanglish in the center of yet another controversy, as it presents heritage speakers with an opportunity to decide whether or not to remain fragmented or united.


Author(s):  
Ilya Sokov ◽  

Introduction. The overview’s subject is the problem of Latin Americans’ situation (citizens and noncitizens of the USA) during the D. Trump’s presidency, reflected in new works by American authors. The historiography overview consist of researchers’ monographs from American universities and analytical articles from academic journals and periodicals. The overview’s logical systematization is based on two principles: the established chronological framework and the grouping of author’s views on a particular problem. Relevance. The overview topic’s relevance is caused by significant reduction in the rights and increased prosecution of Latinos in the contemporary of the United States which is emphasized by the American authors themselves. The authors emphasized the theoretical basis for the new migration political process was making D. Trump’s conservative nationalist policy which is called “America First”. The implementation of such policy leads to new challenges in ensuring national security, exacerbating social conflicts and splitting the American society. Purpose. The work’s purpose is to highlight new trends in the US immigration policy that significantly restricted the rights and freedoms of Latin American citizens and Latin American refugees living in the country during this period. Methods. The author of the article used the following methodological tools: the scientific principle of objectivity, which allowed us to assess the degree of subjective information contained in the publications; the ontological (substantive) approach, which was used to clarify the actors of conflict interaction in the process of the White House’s transformational policy presented in new American studies; the institutional method based on the research works, which allowed us to determine changes in the functions and activities of the US government’s departments when dealing with immigration issues and the situation of Latin American citizens and non-citizens in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency. Results. The results consist in the recognition of the nativist and conservative nationalist policy of the US government towards Latin Americans by the American academic and expert community, which contradicts the values declared by the American society and contributes to its separation and division creating greater inequality within it. Although the historiography overview did not aim to examine Latinos’ situation in the United States in historical retrospect. All of these could be noted in the above works that no American author noted an improvement in the situation of Latinos during D. Trump’s presidency, compared to the previous administrations of B. Clinton, G.W. Bush and B. Obama. Many authors noted that new problems have been added to the old problems of Latinos and incoming immigrants. The results area. The results obtained can be used by Russian Americanist researchers to conduct their further researches in the fields of area studies, international relations, international processes, and the history of foreign countries. Conclusion. The Latinos’ situation analysis in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency was based on American authors’ publications for 2018–2020, which suggests not only the devastating impact of the White House’s transformative policies toward Latinos, but also the changing structure of American society itself, which is inherently immigrant.


Author(s):  
V. S. VASILIEV

In the article the reasons for the deceleration of the average annual rates of economic growth of the United States are analyzed.  The rates declined in one and the half decade of the XXI century twice in comparison with the last three decades of the  twentieth century. Leading American economists and analysts  associated the main cause of the slowdown in economic growth with  a double drop in the rate of total factor productivity (TFP). This  indicator reflects the synergistic effects of the interaction of physical  and human capitals in the production process. The gradual decrease in the synergetic value of the interaction of labor and  capital in the US economy, other things being equal, also means a  decrease in the contribution of sinergetic factor to the rates of  economic growth and a greater priority in the state socio-economic policy of the capital factor in economic development. In  turn, the increasing role of capital in the economic development of  the US turns around with a sharp increase in inequality in income  distribution among different social strata of American society,  resulting in the bulk of the increase in economic production to  primarily 20% of the wealthiest layers of American society. The  growth of injustice in the distribution of goods and services in recent  decades in the United States was due to the lack of purposeful state  policy of the income redistribution. me. The absence of such a policy  stemmed from a growing crisis of most components of the  reproductive logistics of the American economy. In the end, general  conclusion is that the trend towards long-term decline in economic  growth will continue in the future because the US will be forced to invest trillions of dollars for infrastructure modernization in the  economy, which will not bring back quick economic returns in the short and possibly medium term.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ankit Rastogi

This article examines the relatively widespread trend toward racial residential integration within suburbs in the 21st century across metropolitan areas in the United States. I investigate the racial and ethnic compositions of stably integrated communities as well as the characteristics that distinguish these places. Using the information theory index (H) among stably diverse places, I identify cities and suburbs that were racially integrated between 2000 and 2010. Integrated places cluster in highly diverse, coastal metropolitan areas and almost entirely within suburbs. Moreover, integration is firmly patterned along racial lines. Reflecting the antiblack nature of segregation in the US, the rate of black-white integration remains remarkably low (10.5%), but in multiethnic communities with Asians and Latinxs, the probability of black-white integration nearly quadruples (40.1%). Several critical features of place are positively associated with integration: military and public sector employment as well as public university enrollment; new housing stock; and metropolitan political fragmentation. This study shows that suburbs are at the leading edge of American diversification and integration and illuminates the existence of communities where American society transgresses persistent forms of racial discrimination.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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