scholarly journals Interrelationship Among School Characteristics, Parental Involvement, And Children’s Characteristics In Predicting Children’s Victimization By Peers: Comparison Between The United States And Three Eastern Asia Countries

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gang Lee ◽  
Yanghee Kim

To identify ways that national culture, school characteristics, and individual attributes impact the victimization of students in Grade 8, data from the United States and three East Asian countries (i.e., Japan, S. Korea, and Taiwan) were compared using the 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and Hierarchical Liner Modeling (HLM). The school-level factors measured by school size, school resources, and perceived behavioral problems on campus did not predict middle school students’ victimization in the United States, but significant positive parental involvement and negative school resources were found to impact the victimization of students in the East Asian countries. Regarding the effects of the student-level variables, boys, in comparison to girls and students showing less attachment to the schools, were more victimized in U.S. and East Asian schools. Individual students’ perceived parental monitoring was a significant and positive predictor of students’ victimization in the East Asian schools only. The standard test scores in mathematics were not predictive of victimization in U.S. and East Asian participants. The results indicated that understanding the ecological factors involved in victimization is important to intervene effectively, protect students, and prevent peer victimization on campus. 

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sung won Kim

Countless meta-analytic studies document the relation between parental involvement and achievement, but they mostly include studies conducted in the United States where parental involvement is framed as a policy issue. This is the first meta-analytic study focusing on East Asian countries characterized by high achievement levels, a comparatively standardized education system, and no policy encouraging family–school relations. A meta-analysis of 15 studies retrieved from an exhaustive search of the literature reveals a positive association between parental involvement and achievement. The strength of the relation was highest for academic socialization, followed by home involvement and school involvement, similar to previous meta-analyses.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Galina G. Preobragenskaya ◽  
Robert W. McGee

Corporate governance has become a popular topic in recent years. Although much attention has been given to corporate governance in the United States and other Western countries as a result of recent scandals, and in Japan and other East Asian countries because of the financial crisis that occurred there a few years ago, much has also been going on in Russia and other transition economies in the area of corporate governance. This paper discusses recent developments in corporate governance in Russia and includes information gathered during interviews conducted in Russia during the summer of 2003.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javira Ardiani ◽  
Bima Jon Nanda

The United States is a country that seeks to realize denuclearization in KoreanPeninsula. Though the United States is not a party that will be directly threatenedbecause the United States have more stronger nuclear capability than NorthKorea’s nuclear. This study aims to describe the interests of the United States as aStatus Quo State in the process of denuclearization of North Korea. The conceptualframework used by this study is Randall L. Schweller's Range of State Interestconcept. This research uses a qualitative research method with descriptiveanalytical research that uses secondary data. Based on the concept of Range ofState Interest, this research found that the United States as a 'Lion' country has aninterest in maximizing security which includes maintaining its identity as a nuclearpossession country, maintaining trade with East Asian countries, and improvinggovernmental functions. Whereas in maintaining its position, the United States hasan interest in maintaining its alliance with South Korea and Japan, maintainingprestige for world peace, and realizing CVID (Complete, Verifiable, andIrreversible Dismantlement) or full denuclearization.


Subject Development of South-east Asian coastguards and their geopolitical implications. Significance Senior coastguard officers from Australia, Japan, the Philippines and the United States will meet later this year to discuss cooperation and capacity-building -- and the assertive actions of China's coastguard in littoral waters. With external partners' support, South-east Asian states are developing their coastguards to fight crime and assert maritime territorial claims. Impacts Fishing activities will probably trigger spats between South-east Asian and China's coastguards. Gradually, inter-operability between South-east Asian coastguards will expand. Tokyo and Washington will use coastguards to deepen ties with South-east Asian countries. There could be frictions between Indonesia's and Malaysia's coastguards over waters around Ambalat.


Significance The preferential US trade programme faces renewal or lapse by December 31. South-east Asia’s economies are structured to take advantage of the GSP and many of the products exported to the United States under GSP (such as light manufactures and seafood) are important for South-east Asia’s supply chains. Impacts Vietnam may make another application for inclusion in the US GSP programme. The more authoritarian South-east Asian countries could find it easier to gain US GSP preferences under Trump. The Trump administration could use the GSP as a bargaining chip in trade negotiations or renegotiations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

Abstract This article assesses how south-east Asian countries and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have responded to the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategies promoted by the United States and the other countries in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the ‘Quad’: US, Japan, Australia and India). Their nuanced ripostes imply a persistent commitment to hedging and shifting limited alignments in the face of growing great rivalry and the lack of a clear FOIP vision among Quad members. In the face of external pressure to take sides, the ASEAN states are likely to keep hedging through working selectively with China and the United States. Given the United States' apparent preference to balance China and Trump's disregard for multilateralism, ASEAN's ability to maintain its centrality in the evolving regional architecture is in doubt—despite the Quad countries' (belated) accommodation of ASEAN in their FOIP strategies. However, the success of the US strategy depends on Washington's ability to build and sustain the requisite coalition to balance Beijing. ASEAN has undertaken efforts to enhance bilateral security collaboration with China and the United States respectively. In doing so, ASEAN is arguably seeking to informally redefine its centrality in an era of Great Power discord and its ramifications for multilateralism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-87
Author(s):  
Javira Ardiani

The United States is a country that seeks to realize denuclearization in Korean Peninsula. Though the United States is not a party that will be directly threatened because the United States have more stronger nuclear capability than North Korea’s nuclear. This study aims to describe the interests of the United States as a Status Quo State in the process of denuclearization of North Korea. The conceptual framework used by this study is Randall L. Schweller's Range of State Interest concept. This research uses a qualitative research method with descriptive analytical research that uses secondary data. Based on the concept of Range of State Interest, this research found that the United States as a 'Lion' country has an interest in maximizing security which includes maintaining its identity as a nuclear possession country, maintaining trade with East Asian countries, and improving governmental functions. Whereas in maintaining its position, the United States has an interest in maintaining its alliance with South Korea and Japan, maintaining prestige for world peace, and realizing CVID (Complete, Verifiable, and Irreversible Dismantlement) or full denuclearization.


Significance The kings of Malaysia and Thailand, respectively, are at the centre of attention amid their countries’ ongoing political crises. The pandemic-related state of emergency declared by Malaysia’s king has eased pressure on the beleaguered prime minister. Pro-democracy protesters in Thailand continue to press for reform of the country’s monarchy. Impacts Under President Joe Biden, the United States will urge several South-east Asian countries to improve their human rights records. Malaysia’s premier will face pressure from governing partners and opponents alike to call snap elections as soon as the emergency ends. The Thai establishment will steadfastly resist calls for monarchical reform.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young Choul Kim ◽  
Ho Keun Yoo

In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (9) ◽  
pp. 4752-4759 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lei Wang ◽  
Alexandros G. Asimakopoulos ◽  
Hyo-Bang Moon ◽  
Haruhiko Nakata ◽  
Kurunthachalam Kannan

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