scholarly journals Terrorism Eradication in ASEAN Countries: Human Rights Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-361
Author(s):  
Satria Unggul Wicaksana Prakasa ◽  
Sholahuddin Al-Fatih ◽  
Abdurrahman Raden Aji Haqqi

This research aims to discuss ASEAN counter-terrorism policy and its impact on human rights protection. The terrorism act of Abu Sayyaf in the Philippines, the spread of terrorism in Indonesia by JAT and JAD, and the rebellion movement in Pattani-Thailand are the most heard of terrorism cases in Southeast Asian countries. The research focused on the regulatory through comparative approaches. The result found that ASEAN has an agreement known as ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism (ACCT) for combating terrorism. ACCT implementation in national legal regulations of ASEAN members in the midst of the spread of terrorism plays a crucial role in combating terrorism and its impact on human rights protection. However, the effort of eradicating terrorism in Southeast Asian countries is not in line with the principles of peace and regional integrity. The practice of authoritarianism and militarism has instead become most prominent as a result of perpetuating militarism-based legal regulations in resolving terrorism. Efforts for combating terrorism in Southeast Asia, therefore, leave a serious problem regarding the protection of human rights, the issue of impunity, attacks on civil society, and the involvement of the military which threatens territorial integrity. Those are at cross purposes with ACCT policies as well as national sovereignty, integrity, and security of ASEAN members. (Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas kebijakan anti-terorisme ASEAN dan dampaknya terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Aksi terorisme Abu Sayyaf di Filipina, penyebaran terorisme di Indonesia oleh JAT dan JAD, serta pemberontakan di Pattani-Thailand adalah kasus-kasus terorisme terpopuler yang terjadi di Asia Tenggara. Penelitian ini fokus pada peraturan perundang-undangan dengan pendekatan komparatif. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa ASEAN memiliki kesepakatan yang disebut Konvensi ASEAN tentang Kontra-Terorisme (ACCT) untuk memerangi terorisme. Penerapan ACCT dalam peraturan hukum nasional negara anggota ASEAN di tengah maraknya aksi terorisme sangat penting dalam upaya pemberantasan terorisme dan dampaknya terhadap perlindungan hak asasi manusia di ASEAN. Akan tetapi dalam praktiknya, pemberantasan terorisme di ASEAN masih belum sejalan dengan prinsip perdamaian dan keutuhan kawasan. Praktik otoritarianisme dan militerisme justru menjadi praktik paling menonjol yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara di ASEAN seiring dengan langgengnya regulasi hukum berbasis praktik militerisme dalam menyelesaikan kejahatan terorisme. Pemberantasan terorisme di Asia Tenggara menyisakan masalah serius terkait perlindungan hak asasi manusia, isu impunitas, serangan terhadap masyarakat sipil, dan keterlibatan militer yang mengancam integritas teritorial. Isu-isu tersebut bertentangan dengan Kebijakan ACCT serta kedaulatan, integritas nasional, dan keamanan anggota ASEAN.)

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (23) ◽  
pp. 12952
Author(s):  
Haitham Esam Rababah ◽  
Azhar Ghazali ◽  
Mohd Hafizal Mohd Isa

Fossil fuel consumption for electricity generation in the building sector is at an all-time high in line with the country’s economic growth. This scenario will increase the global CO2 emissions and large carbon footprints, thus leading to global warming. In recent years, most of the research related to the building sector has focused on the development of new techniques to reduce buildings’ energy consumption through energy conservation, energy efficiency, and the implementation of renewable energy technologies. The introduction of photovoltaic (PV) technology has become the most prominent renewable energy (RE) that can be integrated into building components. Even though the Building Integrated Photovoltaic (BIPV) has been available for decades, but its implementation in Southeast Asian countries has not gained widespread acceptance compared to European countries and other parts of Asia. This paper aims to investigate the effects and challenges of BIPV implementation in Southeast Asian Countries (Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines), focusing on climate effects, the initial cost of PV technology, government policies, and initiatives. An in-depth literature review from past research, policies, and reports taken between 2016 to 2021 has been conducted and found that the environmental parameters directly influence the performance of BIPV systems and affect efficiency. This study pointed at Feed-in Tariff (FiT), policies and initiatives offered by the government in Southeast Asian countries are not beneficial and discourage building owners to adopt the BIPV technology or any other RE technology. Governments should revise the current policies to promote and attract more building owners to take part in the efforts to minimize CO2 emissions from the building industry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Heribertus Jaka Triyana

Recently, the discourse on the relation between local wisdom and human rights shows its relevance. This article describes and critically examines the human rights norms and procedures with regards to common local wisdoms to remedy and redress human rights problems in South East Asian countries. It takes an example of redressing problem in rights to development and also focuses on the application of the ASEAN agreement on Disaster Management Response to contextualize role and influence of local wisdoms to manage and to mitigate disaster response within the ASEAN human rights protection. This writing also highlights that human rights based approach is needed in the implementation of the ASEAN human rights norms and mechanisms in accordance to local wisdoms of respective countries where disaster occurs.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-91
Author(s):  
Osman Suliman

This book analyzes Indonesia's political and economic commitment toASEAN. ASEAN compri es six Southeast Asian countries: Brunei, Indonesia,Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. To clarify that commitment,Anwar makes a deliberate attempt to investigate ASEAN's underlying assumptions.Specifically, the organization is intended to promote harmony and peacein the region, given that ASEAN countries are relatively more politically stableand economically developed compared to the nearby [ndochinese states. Inadrution, ASEAN has been perceived as attempting to manage regional orderagrunst nonregional powers such as Chma while strengthening Western ties. Theauthor examines these assumptions on the premise that ASEAN is mainly a distinctivevehicle of Indonesian foreign policy. To do so, he follows Wein tein'sapproach, which I based on the uses of foreign policy, that is, his analysis does not adopt a common theory. Thus, he unintentionally goes back and forth to verify what seems to be the main theme of the book: how Indonesia sought regionalleadership through ASEAN to achieve its main goals of foreign policy ...


Author(s):  
Muhamad Murtadlo

AbstractMadrasah in some Southeast Asian countries have a unique position, besides being as a place of teaching and educating Islam, it also performs the function of formal education. This study will examine the position of madrasah in one of the Southeast Asian countries, namely the Philippines. Madrasah in the Philippines was initially considered as part of the seeding the idea of separatist Moro people who want to separate from the Philippines. This research was conducted by literature study approach, with the aim of tracing the history and treatment of the Philippines government to this kind of educational institutions. The results showed that the Philippine government has started to accommodate madrasah in their national education system.AbstrakMadrasah di beberapa negara Asia Tenggara mempunyai posisi unik, di samping sebagai tempat pengajaran dan pendidikan agama Islam lembaga ini ternyata juga menjalankan fungsi pendidikan formal. Penelitian ini ingin mengkaji posisi madrasah di salah satu negara Asia Tenggara, yaitu Filipina. Madrasah di Filipina awalnya dianggap sebagai bagian dari penyemaian ide separatisme bangsa Moro yang ingin memisahkan dari Filipina. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan studi kepustakaan, dengan tujuan melacak sejarah dan perlakuan pemerintah Filipina terhadap lembaga pendidikan jenis ini. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Filipina mulai mengakomodasi lembaga pendidikan madrasah dalam sistem pendidikan nasional mereka.


Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer

The U.S. relationship with Southeast Asia has always reflected the state of U.S. interactions with the three major powers that surround the region: Japan, China, and, to a lesser extent, India. Initially, Americans looked at Southeast Asia as an avenue to the rich markets that China and India seemed to offer, while also finding trading opportunities in the region itself. Later, American missionaries sought to save Southeast Asian souls, while U.S. officials often viewed Southeast Asia as a region that could tip the overall balance of power in East Asia if its enormous resources fell under the control of a hostile power. American interest expanded enormously with the annexation of the Philippines in 1899, an outgrowth of the Spanish-American War. That acquisition resulted in a nearly half-century of American colonial rule, while American investors increased their involvement in exploiting the region’s raw materials, notably tin, rubber, and petroleum, and missionaries expanded into areas previously closed to them. American occupation of the Philippines heightened tensions with Japan, which sought the resources of Southeast Asia, particularly in French Indochina, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies (today’s Indonesia). Eventually, clashing ambitions and perceptions brought the United States into World War II. Peeling those territories away from Japan during the war was a key American objective. Americans resisted the Japanese in the Philippines and in Burma, but after Japan quickly subdued Southeast Asia, there was little contact in the region until the reconquest began in 1944. American forces participated in the liberation of Burma and also fought in the Dutch Indies and the Philippines before the war ended in 1945. After the war, the United States had to face the independence struggles in several Southeast Asian countries, even as the Grand Alliance fell apart and the Cold War emerged, which for the next several decades overshadowed almost everything. American efforts to prevent communist expansion in the region inhibited American support for decolonization and led to war in Vietnam and Laos and covert interventions elsewhere. With the end of the Cold War in 1991, relations with most of Southeast Asia have generally been normal, except for Burma/Myanmar, where a brutal military junta ruled. The opposition, led by the charismatic Aung San Suu Kyi, found support in the United States. More recently American concerns with China’s new assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, have resulted in even closer U.S. relations with Southeast Asian countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 78-89
Author(s):  
Stephen Kimathi Mutungi ◽  
Francis Mulu

Many counter-terrorism measures enacted by states have been criticized for violating human rights. This study sought to assess the Kenya’s counter-terrorism framework to ascertain whether the established counter-terrorism measures violate or adhere to the protection of human rights. The study adopted an exploratory research design to assess the counter-terrorism measures and alleged human rights violation in Kenya. The target population was the national security organs, counter-terrorism agencies, civil societies championing human rights protection, security enforcers and watchdog bodies. The sample of 200 respondents and informants was drawn from the National Assembly, Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, the International Federation for Human Rights, UN Counter-Terrorism Centre and Amnesty International Kenya. A stratified and purposive sampling technique was employed in selecting the respondents and informants during the study. The findings of the study established various stick and carrot counter-terrorism strategies used by organizations, government and security apparatus in Kenya. These strategies are faced by a number of challenges. A number of these measures violate human rights. There are however, some counter terrorism strategies that uphold human rights. The counter-terrorism strategies that the government can adopt in respect of human rights to include youth empowerment and employment, enhance surveillance and intelligence gathering, stop renditions and use of force, proper investigations, uphold human rights and rule of law and public education, awareness and participation. The study recommends government to adopt counter-terrorism promote human rights protection. Further, the study recommends that the governments need to create public awareness and participation in counter-terrorism strategies and measures to build public confidence on its efforts to fight terrorism.  


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 175-202
Author(s):  
Herbert Aclan Loja

On 2 February 2012, the Philippine Air Force conducted a precision bombing on an Abu Sayyaf camp in Parang, Sulu, Mindanao, Philippines. The airstrike killed Abu Sayyaf commander Gumbahali Umbra Jumdail, a Filipino terrorist suspect. To date, no human rights organisation or group in the country has expressed any apprehension on the state action. In the midst of silence, this article explores the permissibility of the targeted killing of a Filipino citizen carried out by state agents. It argues that the killing has the hallmarks of an international humanitarian law paradigm applied to what could otherwise be an international human rights law and domestic law situation. The blurring of distinction and the secrecy surrounding the incident indicate a less than transparent act of deprivation of life of an individual with tremendous implications on the future of human rights protection in the country. Where the Philippines operates in such legal ambiguity and decides to exercise the most lethal of options in depriving a person of his or her life, it is suggested that it should consider the adoption of an effective post-targeting investigation mechanism to ensure respect for and protection of human dignity and fundamental rights and freedoms.


1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Wong

China has long been the world's largest producer of rice, with an annual output regularly accounting for a third of the world's total rice production. In recent years, China has also risen to become the world's largest rice exporter, with a volume coming close to a third of the world's total exported rice. The bulk of the Chinese rice exports are destined for the rice-consuming Southeast Asia, including Vietnam. Among the five Southeast Asian countries, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, which today constitute the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), only Thailand produces a food surplus while the others have to import rice in amounts which, with the exception of the city-state Singapore, vary each year according to their domestic rice harvests.


1988 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald K. Crone

The signal performances of Southeast Asian countries in attaining economic growth and political stability are frequently explained by cultural and policy factors. Recent research suggests, however, that the role of the state is extensive and central to economic and political goals. The present approach to the comparative evaluation of state capacities attempts to account for the variations and nuances of the performance of Southeast Asian states. The structure of political support and available means of social control provide relatively greater capacity to state elites in Singapore and Malaysia, and less capacity to state elites in the Philippines and Indonesia; Thailand is an intermediate case.


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