scholarly journals ISLAM DAN PENDIDIKAN MADRASAH DI FILIPINA

Author(s):  
Muhamad Murtadlo

AbstractMadrasah in some Southeast Asian countries have a unique position, besides being as a place of teaching and educating Islam, it also performs the function of formal education. This study will examine the position of madrasah in one of the Southeast Asian countries, namely the Philippines. Madrasah in the Philippines was initially considered as part of the seeding the idea of separatist Moro people who want to separate from the Philippines. This research was conducted by literature study approach, with the aim of tracing the history and treatment of the Philippines government to this kind of educational institutions. The results showed that the Philippine government has started to accommodate madrasah in their national education system.AbstrakMadrasah di beberapa negara Asia Tenggara mempunyai posisi unik, di samping sebagai tempat pengajaran dan pendidikan agama Islam lembaga ini ternyata juga menjalankan fungsi pendidikan formal. Penelitian ini ingin mengkaji posisi madrasah di salah satu negara Asia Tenggara, yaitu Filipina. Madrasah di Filipina awalnya dianggap sebagai bagian dari penyemaian ide separatisme bangsa Moro yang ingin memisahkan dari Filipina. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan studi kepustakaan, dengan tujuan melacak sejarah dan perlakuan pemerintah Filipina terhadap lembaga pendidikan jenis ini. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Filipina mulai mengakomodasi lembaga pendidikan madrasah dalam sistem pendidikan nasional mereka.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (23) ◽  
pp. 12952
Author(s):  
Haitham Esam Rababah ◽  
Azhar Ghazali ◽  
Mohd Hafizal Mohd Isa

Fossil fuel consumption for electricity generation in the building sector is at an all-time high in line with the country’s economic growth. This scenario will increase the global CO2 emissions and large carbon footprints, thus leading to global warming. In recent years, most of the research related to the building sector has focused on the development of new techniques to reduce buildings’ energy consumption through energy conservation, energy efficiency, and the implementation of renewable energy technologies. The introduction of photovoltaic (PV) technology has become the most prominent renewable energy (RE) that can be integrated into building components. Even though the Building Integrated Photovoltaic (BIPV) has been available for decades, but its implementation in Southeast Asian countries has not gained widespread acceptance compared to European countries and other parts of Asia. This paper aims to investigate the effects and challenges of BIPV implementation in Southeast Asian Countries (Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines), focusing on climate effects, the initial cost of PV technology, government policies, and initiatives. An in-depth literature review from past research, policies, and reports taken between 2016 to 2021 has been conducted and found that the environmental parameters directly influence the performance of BIPV systems and affect efficiency. This study pointed at Feed-in Tariff (FiT), policies and initiatives offered by the government in Southeast Asian countries are not beneficial and discourage building owners to adopt the BIPV technology or any other RE technology. Governments should revise the current policies to promote and attract more building owners to take part in the efforts to minimize CO2 emissions from the building industry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-91
Author(s):  
Osman Suliman

This book analyzes Indonesia's political and economic commitment toASEAN. ASEAN compri es six Southeast Asian countries: Brunei, Indonesia,Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. To clarify that commitment,Anwar makes a deliberate attempt to investigate ASEAN's underlying assumptions.Specifically, the organization is intended to promote harmony and peacein the region, given that ASEAN countries are relatively more politically stableand economically developed compared to the nearby [ndochinese states. Inadrution, ASEAN has been perceived as attempting to manage regional orderagrunst nonregional powers such as Chma while strengthening Western ties. Theauthor examines these assumptions on the premise that ASEAN is mainly a distinctivevehicle of Indonesian foreign policy. To do so, he follows Wein tein'sapproach, which I based on the uses of foreign policy, that is, his analysis does not adopt a common theory. Thus, he unintentionally goes back and forth to verify what seems to be the main theme of the book: how Indonesia sought regionalleadership through ASEAN to achieve its main goals of foreign policy ...


Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer

The U.S. relationship with Southeast Asia has always reflected the state of U.S. interactions with the three major powers that surround the region: Japan, China, and, to a lesser extent, India. Initially, Americans looked at Southeast Asia as an avenue to the rich markets that China and India seemed to offer, while also finding trading opportunities in the region itself. Later, American missionaries sought to save Southeast Asian souls, while U.S. officials often viewed Southeast Asia as a region that could tip the overall balance of power in East Asia if its enormous resources fell under the control of a hostile power. American interest expanded enormously with the annexation of the Philippines in 1899, an outgrowth of the Spanish-American War. That acquisition resulted in a nearly half-century of American colonial rule, while American investors increased their involvement in exploiting the region’s raw materials, notably tin, rubber, and petroleum, and missionaries expanded into areas previously closed to them. American occupation of the Philippines heightened tensions with Japan, which sought the resources of Southeast Asia, particularly in French Indochina, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies (today’s Indonesia). Eventually, clashing ambitions and perceptions brought the United States into World War II. Peeling those territories away from Japan during the war was a key American objective. Americans resisted the Japanese in the Philippines and in Burma, but after Japan quickly subdued Southeast Asia, there was little contact in the region until the reconquest began in 1944. American forces participated in the liberation of Burma and also fought in the Dutch Indies and the Philippines before the war ended in 1945. After the war, the United States had to face the independence struggles in several Southeast Asian countries, even as the Grand Alliance fell apart and the Cold War emerged, which for the next several decades overshadowed almost everything. American efforts to prevent communist expansion in the region inhibited American support for decolonization and led to war in Vietnam and Laos and covert interventions elsewhere. With the end of the Cold War in 1991, relations with most of Southeast Asia have generally been normal, except for Burma/Myanmar, where a brutal military junta ruled. The opposition, led by the charismatic Aung San Suu Kyi, found support in the United States. More recently American concerns with China’s new assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, have resulted in even closer U.S. relations with Southeast Asian countries.


1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Wong

China has long been the world's largest producer of rice, with an annual output regularly accounting for a third of the world's total rice production. In recent years, China has also risen to become the world's largest rice exporter, with a volume coming close to a third of the world's total exported rice. The bulk of the Chinese rice exports are destined for the rice-consuming Southeast Asia, including Vietnam. Among the five Southeast Asian countries, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, which today constitute the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), only Thailand produces a food surplus while the others have to import rice in amounts which, with the exception of the city-state Singapore, vary each year according to their domestic rice harvests.


1988 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald K. Crone

The signal performances of Southeast Asian countries in attaining economic growth and political stability are frequently explained by cultural and policy factors. Recent research suggests, however, that the role of the state is extensive and central to economic and political goals. The present approach to the comparative evaluation of state capacities attempts to account for the variations and nuances of the performance of Southeast Asian states. The structure of political support and available means of social control provide relatively greater capacity to state elites in Singapore and Malaysia, and less capacity to state elites in the Philippines and Indonesia; Thailand is an intermediate case.


Crisis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 296-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Supa Pengpid ◽  
Karl Peltzer

Abstract. Background: Suicide is a major cause of death among adolescents. Aims: The study aimed to report on the prevalence and correlates of suicide attempt among in-school adolescents in five Southeast Asian countries. Method: Cross-sectional data from the 2015 Global School-Based Student Health Survey (GSHS) included 33,004 middle-school children (mean age = 14.3 years, SD = 1.6) that were representative of all students in secondary school in Indonesia, Laos, Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. Results: The overall prevalence of past 12-month suicide attempt was 9.0%, ranging from 3.9% in Indonesia to 16.2% in the Philippines. Among those with a suicide attempt in the past 12 months, almost half (49.0%) had suicidal ideation and 47.7% had a suicide plan in the past 12 months. In adjusted Poisson regression analysis, female gender, residing in Laos, Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste, no close friends, loneliness, anxiety, bullying victimization, physical attack, lack of parental support, lack of peer support, current alcohol use, lifetime cannabis use, lifetime amphetamine use, soft drink consumption, truancy, and injury were associated with suicide attempt. Limitations: The correlational nature of the study limits the implications of the findings. Conclusion: Almost one in 10 students had attempted suicide in the past 12 months and several factors associated with suicide attempt were identified among adolescents in five Southeast Asian countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (10) ◽  
pp. 1471-1484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengpang Lee

The literature on the diffusion of new religion is strongly influenced by the voluntaristic paradigm that highlights the agency of individual migrants. This article examines and compares the diffusion process and outcome of Tzu Chi (Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association) in four Southeast Asian countries—Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and the Philippines—to illustrate the complex relationship between migration, diffusion, critical events, and local conditions. Using a comparative research design and original materials, this article proposes a coevolutionary framework inspired by organization studies on the emergence of novelty. This article argues that the different diffusion processes and diffusion outcomes in the four cases are best explained through looking at network genesis mechanisms. This research contributes to the current studies on the diffusion of religion and scholarly interests in the global Tzu Chi movement.


Author(s):  
Wen Zha

Abstract In recent years, many observers perceive ascendant Chinese influence in Southeast Asia. Existing research attributes China’s recent advances in the region to Beijing’s successful implementation of a dual strategy of coercion and inducement or Washington’s lack of commitments to the region. In a departure from the literature, this article emphasizes the agency of Southeast Asian states. It argues that great power competition empowers the secondary states by reducing their vulnerability, increasing available resources, and lending credibility to their threat of exists. As a result, domestic agenda plays a predominant role in determining a secondary state’s foreign policy orientation. To illustrate this proposition, the changing dynamics of China’s relations with Myanmar and the Philippines are examined closely. This article demonstrates that although the two states had realigned away from China since 2010–11, new agendas that emerged from their domestic politics in late 2016 tipped the balance in favor of China.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Najib Razali ◽  
Norhidayah Md. Yunus ◽  
Ainur Zaireen Zainudin ◽  
Janice Lee Yim Mei

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess the sustainability levels in terms of sustainability practices amongst public-listed property companies in Southeast Asia. Design/methodology/approach The websites and annual reports for each company were assessed to determine the level of sustainability practices amongst property companies in Southeast Asia. Their sustainability strategies were then rigorously assessed by using a scorecard which assesses sustainability levels based on related issues. Findings The results show that green or sustainable property development in Southeast Asian countries remains at a moderate level. There is still much room for improvement to enhance the level of green attributes in property development. Research limitations/implications This paper only assesses property development companies in five Southeast Asian countries; namely, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. Originality/value Given the increasingly significant sustainability issues – especially amongst international property development players, this paper attempts to deliver better informed investment and decision-making ideas for sustainable property developments.


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