Counter-Terrorism Measures and Human Rights Protection in Kenya

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 78-89
Author(s):  
Stephen Kimathi Mutungi ◽  
Francis Mulu

Many counter-terrorism measures enacted by states have been criticized for violating human rights. This study sought to assess the Kenya’s counter-terrorism framework to ascertain whether the established counter-terrorism measures violate or adhere to the protection of human rights. The study adopted an exploratory research design to assess the counter-terrorism measures and alleged human rights violation in Kenya. The target population was the national security organs, counter-terrorism agencies, civil societies championing human rights protection, security enforcers and watchdog bodies. The sample of 200 respondents and informants was drawn from the National Assembly, Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, the International Federation for Human Rights, UN Counter-Terrorism Centre and Amnesty International Kenya. A stratified and purposive sampling technique was employed in selecting the respondents and informants during the study. The findings of the study established various stick and carrot counter-terrorism strategies used by organizations, government and security apparatus in Kenya. These strategies are faced by a number of challenges. A number of these measures violate human rights. There are however, some counter terrorism strategies that uphold human rights. The counter-terrorism strategies that the government can adopt in respect of human rights to include youth empowerment and employment, enhance surveillance and intelligence gathering, stop renditions and use of force, proper investigations, uphold human rights and rule of law and public education, awareness and participation. The study recommends government to adopt counter-terrorism promote human rights protection. Further, the study recommends that the governments need to create public awareness and participation in counter-terrorism strategies and measures to build public confidence on its efforts to fight terrorism.  

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

The overall domestic context following the full defeat of the old regime in Turkey, and the main contours of the Islamist (‘Islamo-nationalist’, Millî Görüş) populism now in full swing, are described in this chapter. The discussion looks into the mood in the pro-government circles, with some emphasis on the Islamist speculations on democracy—terrifying to the secular masses—and the effective rule by policy, rather than law, enabled by the growing cult of Erdogan. This chapter also describes the spectacular fall out between the government and the former allies, who strongly shared in the power through the new bureaucracy, the Gulen cult. One centrifugal factor detected in portraying the setting is the formal commitment to the human rights protection system in Europe, which, paradoxically, acquired greater intensity during the regime change in a desperate attempt on the part of the government to by-pass the former centres of power.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigrun I. Skogly

The execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other environmental and human rights activists in Nigeria in November 1995, represented flagrant violations of human rights. What was exceptional about this case was that the uprising, which ultimately lead to the executions, was not primarily aimed at the Government, but rather at one of the large transnational corporations, Shell Oil. The article analyses the composition of the actors and the various human rights involved in this conflict. It argues that the complexity of the conflict is shown through the wide variety of environmental NGOs, human rights NGOs, international business and organisations that were implicated in it. The article points to the interrelatedness of various human rights - and the interlinkedness to environmental issues, claiming that environmental organisations were forced’ to use rights language, while human rights organisations needed to address environmental issues. And ultimately, the business actor has publicly stated intent to observe a human rights accountability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal Juliansyahzen

AbstractGood governance is a concept for governance that should be run. Theoretically, the discourse of good governance reaps its pros and cons since it had been firstly introduced. However, as a concept and a strategic offer it deserves to be appreciated and re-examined. There are principles in good governance that are compatible with Islam such as accountability, transparency, deliberation, and others. Good governance will be achieved when it involves a good communication among the government, civil society, and the business sector. The author uses the perspective of contemporary maqaasid asy-shari'ah to view the discourse with more emphasis on development and right. The perspective is different from the old maqasid which emphasizes more on the protection and preservation. The result of the study shows that good governace needs  harmonious relationship among the followers of religion, social justice, organized and equitable education, human rights protection, and the development of civilized law.Keywords : Good Governance, Maqâsid asy-Syaari’ah, DevelopmentAbstrakGood governance merupakan sebuah konsep tata kelola pemerintahan yang seharusnya dijalankan. Secara teoritis, diskursus good governace menuai pro-kontra sejak awal kemunculannya. Meskipun demikian, sebagai sebuah konsep dan tawaran strategis patut untuk diapresiasi dan dikaji kembali. Terdapat prinsip-prinsip dalam good governance yang berkesesuaian dengan Islam diantaranya akuntabilitas, transparansi, musyawarah, dan lainnya. Upaya mewujudkannya tidak hanya dilakukan oleh satu pihak saja, tetapi komunikasi antara pemerintah (goverment), masyarakat sipil, dan sektor dunia usaha. Dalam melihat diskursus ini, penulis menggunakan perspektif maqaasid asy-Syaari’ah kontemporer dengan lebih menekankan pada development (pembangunan; pengembangan) dan right (hak-hak). Berbeda dengan maqasid lama lebih pada protection (perlindungan) dan preservation (penjagaan; pelestarian). Berdasarkan hasil kajian tersebut bahwa dalam mewujudkan good governace diperlukan pembangunan dalam berbagai aspek seperti membangun hubungan harmonis antar pemeluk agama, mewujudkan keadilan sosial, penyelenggaran dan pemerataan pendidikan, perlindungan terhadap hak asasi manusia, pembangunan hukum berkeadaban.. Kata kunci: Good Governance, Maqaasid asy-Syaari’ah, dan Pembangunan


1969 ◽  
pp. 513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn A. Iding

This article examines how poverty in Canada might be alleviated with different forms of human rights protection that include protection from discrimination on the basis of social condition. Social condition discrimination could include denial of goods and services based on stereotypes of poverty, or could include disadvantage resulting from actual inability to pay. If based only on stereotypes, the author argues, social condition would be differentiated from other grounds of discrimination. Poor people need to be protected from the prejudice of others as well as the effects of being poor, and this may be accomplished by incorporating full social condition protection in both human rights legislation and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Canada has international obligations concerning poverty, and those obligations are sometimes recognized by the courts in their decisions. However, economic rights have been consistently rejected as having Charter protection, perhaps out of fear that courts would be commanding the government to create or alter social programs. The author concludes that the Charter might still be the most effective place for economic rights, placing the initial onus more on the public sphere, which would at the same time consequently distribute some of the financial burden in the private sphere.


Wajah Hukum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 192
Author(s):  
Sigit Somadiyono ◽  
Nella Octaviany Siregar

This research specifically discusses the human rights of prisoners as prisoners in prison, which in their daily lives must be respected, upheld and protected by the state, the law (in this case the Penitentiary Act to be in line with the Human Rights Act), the government through the apparatus is correctional officers and fellow inmates. Prisoners in their daily life can make mistakes and lives that are in contact with human rights violations. The object of this research is the human rights of inmates as prisoners in prison (WBP). The formulation of the problems in this study are (1) How are the human rights protection arrangements for prisoners in prison according to Law Number 12 of 1995; and (2) How is the implementation of human rights protection for narcotics prisoners in prison in East Tanjung Jabung Regency. This study uses Law Number 12 of 1995 Concerning Corrections and other derivative regulations. The results showed that there were differences in the implementation of human rights protection for prisoners with Law Number 12 of 1995 Concerning Corrections. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
Anoosh Khan

This paper demonstrates why it is important to have a separate international covenant for the human rights protection of women or CEDAW. The paper begins by discussing the birth of human rights and its evolution to human rights of women in particular. Using Pakistan as an example, the paper discusses Pakistan’s CEDAW country reports to date. The key issues presented by the Government of Pakistan in it’s state CEDAW reports are highlighted. Then, applying the ‘gatekeeper theory’ some of the findings of the respective shadow reports are highlighted. Finally, there are suggestions for a plan of action that should be adopted by the Government of Pakistan to ensure human rights in general and the human rights of women in particular.


2021 ◽  
pp. 130-166
Author(s):  
Johanna Bond

This chapter uses the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as a case study to explore the extent to which the UN treaty bodies have embraced intersectionality in their examination of individual complaints. In many cases, the UN treaty body system allows human rights victims to seek justice for rights violations by submitting a human rights complaint to one of the treaty bodies. The ability to bring a complaint to an international body offers victims a chance at compensation, remedies that may prevent future violations, and an acknowledgment that the state violated their rights. Although the complaint process cannot bring back a family member who was, for example, murdered by representatives of the state, holding the government accountable for its actions can be a powerful remedy for many victims. This chapter probes for evidence of intersectional analysis in one Committee’s consideration of individual complaints. The Committee’s jurisprudence reveals that it is moving toward an intersectional approach, which will enhance available remedies and lead to stronger human rights protection.


Author(s):  
Martin Scheinin

This chapter first addresses the question of whether terrorism constitutes a violation of human rights, or whether the notion of human rights violations can only be applied to action by states, and then considers challenges to the applicability of human rights law in the fight against terrorism, particularly since 9/11. It focuses on the notion of terrorism, and in particular the risks posed to human rights protection by vague or over-inclusive definitions of terrorism. The main section of the chapter deals with some of the major challenges posed by counter-terrorism measures to substantive human rights protections. It is argued that the unprecedented post-9/11 wave of counter-terrorism laws and measures that infringed upon human rights was a unique situation, and that governments and intergovernmental organizations are realizing that full compliance with human rights in the fight against terrorism is not only morally and legally correct but is also the most effective way of combating terrorism in the long term.


Author(s):  
Jürgen Rüland

Non-governmental organizations were the main antipode to the Indonesian government in the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter shows how NGOs proliferated in Indonesia’s post-1998 democratization and became major actors in the country’s domestic politics, including the debate on Indonesia’s ASEAN policies. The chapter examines how civil society activists localized European concepts of regional integration. NGOs promoted bolder reforms than did the government, focusing on popular empowerment in regional decision making, human rights protection, and social benefits for the less advantaged segments of society. NGOs pleaded for an “alternative regionalism” or “regionalism from below,” which critically evaluated ASEAN’s government-driven market-opening reforms. Even more than the government, NGOs also imported ideas on regionalism not only from Europe, but also from Latin America and Africa. Yet NGOs, too, localized these alien concepts of regionalism with extant ideas on welfare, organicism, anticapitalist traditions, and—to a lesser extent—security.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document