scholarly journals The end of the “Strong Hand”? Critical Discourse-Analysis of the Alignment in the Political Culture of the Russian People

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-115
Author(s):  
Artyom Zemtsov

This paper is dedicated to studying the subjective meanings and motivations which modern Russians attribute to the normative view on the role of the “strong hand”. It was explored as one of the key characteristics of authoritarianism in the Russian people’s political culture. The author studies its internal structure, to what extent this view is in demand, how exactly this notion is reproduced and rationalized at a discourse level. This view was investigated using critical discourse analysis, while identifying the implicit power balance based on data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with respondents from regional and district centers as well as from rural areas – these were people from the most conservative social groups (according to quantitative study findings based on data from the “Levada-Center”). Upon investigation it turns out that the “strong hand” discourse structure is extremely contradictory and heterogeneous. On one hand, at an abstract value level, it is very popular and continuously being reproduced. The “strong hand” consists of seven essential elements, subjective meanings: “continuity”, “order”, “rigidity”, “no alternative”, “personification”, “anti-establishment”, “folk character”. On the other hand, at a personal level, such an orientation can lose a significant amount of its potency when the context is broadened, supplemented with institutional alternatives etc. However stable alternatives do not seem to be appearing in the field of discourse. The author concludes that the demand for a strong hand is not an effect of a “special” political culture, but rather a combination of many factors: preserving the authoritarian regime’s institutions, citizens` rational strategies for adapting to them, a failed democratic transition, the painful reforms of the 1990’s, the intentional exploitation of this orientation by the political elite, etc. However, there are reasons to assume that this authoritarian orientation is in a severe state of crisis. It has no effect on the political regime’s legitimization for which the “strong hand” is the most important symbolic resource.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-129
Author(s):  
Muhamad Sulhan

This article aims to describe complexity of news texts on discourse Desa Tangguh Bencana (Destana) in Yogyakarta and Surabaya which are contained in online media throughout the process of handling the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. This article use the critical discourse analysis (CDA) from Teun A van Dijk’s model (1988) to analyze the structure of news report which consists of two main categories: summary and story. The summary aspect is reduced to an analysis of headlines and leads. The story is revealed to analysis of the situation and comments. The result of analysis found that had been a shift in Destana discourse in 2 (two) online media (merdeka.com, and medcom.id3). The discourse shitfting comes  from an informative discourse to an investigative discourse during May – November 2020. Another finding was that there was a pattern of the use of issues and discourses that remain the same as a 'stage' for the appearance of the political elite. They have been using Destana's humanist discourse to become politically charged  with the shift in the word 'Desa' into 'Kampung'.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

The Critical Discourse Analysis is often applied to analyze political discourse including the political speech. This article analyzes Grace Natalie Louisa’s Speech, mainly in Festival 11 by Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI), that is exclusively based on the perspective of Teun Adrianus van Dijk. It reveals that we can learn how to deliver our ideology to public. Moreover, we can have a better understanding of the political purpose of these speeches.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy

Abstract In this article, I examine a corpus of texts that address the 1973 war; these texts cover the period from 1981 to 2011, marking the beginning and end of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), I explore how Mubarak’s regime employed the war to legitimize its power and defend its policies by deploying longstanding culturally-embedded ‘macro themes’. These macro themes refer to the war as an overwhelming and undisputed ‘Egyptian victory’ and, more significantly, they portray Mubarak himself as ‘war personified/war personalized’. The analysis of linguistic and extra-linguistic features in al-Ahram newspaper (the mouthpiece of the state), among other media texts on the war, show how the discursive construction was made consistent, coherent and resonant in a managed context that characterized the political and media landscapes. Depending on unique access to those who produced, edited and even censored the texts under analysis, this method unravels a complex set of cultural messages and conventions about the war, and fills a lacuna in the literature by offering insight into the deliberate and well-coordinated process of shaping and reshaping a specific discourse for a specific purpose.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bianka Plüschke-Altof

Despite often being used interchangeably, the dominant equation of the rural with the peripheral is not self-evident. In order to critically scrutinize the discursive node, the aim of this article is twofold. On one hand, it argues for overcoming the prevalent urban‒rural divide and dominant structural approaches in sociological and geographical research by introducing discursive peripheralization as a conceptual framework, which allows the analysis of the discursive (re-)production of socio-spatial inequalities on and between different scales. On the other hand, this article explores how rural areas are constituted as peripheries within a hegemonic discourse naturalizing the ascription of development (non-)potentials. Following a critical discourse analysis approach, this will be illustrated in the case of periphery constructions in Estonian national print media.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaina Singh

On August 13th 2010, the MV Sun Sea ship carrying 492 Tamil asylum seekers arrived off of the coast of British Columbia. Immediately upon arrival the Tamil asylum seekers were detained for a prolonged period of time, subjected to intensified interrogation techniques, and unfairly questioned even when in possession of identifying documents. This paper examines how the government used political discourse to try and justify the unusually harsh detention of asylum seekers. Through a critical discourse analysis strategy, eight newspaper articles will be analyzed and the theories of securitization, discourse, and orientalism will be used to advance certain political ideologies. The political justifications of detention operate through the theme of the egocentric state, and the theme of categorizing and demonizing asylum seekers. The final theme discussed is the concept of victimization, which will offer an alternate perspective to this paper’s main focus on political discourse.


Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in power and of those in opposition. It also shows in detail which arguments were raised to defend, alter or support the proposed law by identifying the list of topoi used. It asks especially how racist arguments were debated between on one side a comparably tolerant Austrian system of laws on religion, and on the other, the dominant right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria, which aimed to foster Islamophobia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Stanley Elias

This study comparatively analyses the allusion and analogies of Indonesian Presidents’ by wayang characters and stories. It particularly interrogates how wayang characters and lakon allude and mediate the personal and political identities of Indonesian presidents in the Reformasi era. The study focuses on the portrayal of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi during Reformasi era. The study is a qualitative research and deploying Textual and Critical Discourse Analysis approaches. These are to examine how language in the selected wayang kulit and wayang golek stories, as a form of social and cultural practice, constructs the personal and political identities of the presidents. Central to the analysis, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is in most cases alluded as Semar, and his association with selected lakon significantly inform on the political and personal identities among Indonesians and the International community. On the other hand, Jokowi is alluded to as Petruk but presenting contradicting allusions and analogies in Indonesian politics. Generally, findings suggest that the portrayal of Indonesian presidents’ identities by wayang characters and in the lakon is never fixed. The change of political atmosphere and failure to meet peoples’ expectations culminate in changes on the portrayal of political and personal identities of presidents.


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