Re-Placing the state

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Motion ◽  
Physical Movement ◽  
The City

This concluding chapter addresses the issue of the place of the city directly, and discusses the broader implications of place in relation to the metaphysics of human agency. As the space of physical movement, or locomotion, place is apparently depoliticized from the outset; for the political depends on the free, which, even if conceived as the voluntary and naturalized, is nevertheless contrasted with the external motion that is blocked by force. However, the casuistry concerning the local motion of citizens shows how the space of the political has to contend with the space of external movement, the same space in which animals move, which resists even as it supplements the voluntary and juridical construction of the state.

Locality

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Location ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Motion ◽  
Physical Movement ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Under Construction ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Question

This chapter looks at the limits of obligation in another context, that of subjects travelling from one commonwealth to another. Like the body of the subject, the physical movement of the traveler implicates another interface between the civic and the natural, this time the relationship between political space and the space of local motion—the space in which all physical beings, not just humans, move. Implicitly, it poses a fundamental political question about the city as a juridical entity: whether such a body is spatially limited, and if so, how it can be that a non-physical body has a spatial location. In this sense, the border between the political and the natural and the border of the commonwealth are mutually under construction.

Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

Provisions situation in the Tambov Governorate in the early 1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-215
Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin
Keyword(s):  
Consumer Goods ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
Economic Preferences ◽  
Peasant Movement ◽  
Peasant Protest ◽  
The City ◽  
Regions Of Russia

We examine the provisions situation in the early 1918 in the producing regions of Russia using materials from the Tambov Governorate. Published documents indicate a strong rise in prices for consumer goods, the population was concerned about high prices for food. The provisions problem was clearly taking on political overtones. The Bolsheviks who came to power did not only impose power, proceeding from their political and economic preferences, starting socialist transformations and fighting the remnants of the old organs of power. All this is shown in pub-lished sources on the peasant movement that swept the province, as well as in memoirs, witnesses of all those problems associated with food and the deterioration of the political and economic situation in the city and the governorate as a whole. In particular, the Soviet power immediately faced huge provisions problems, both inherited and generated by their own requisitions, as well as with the peasant protest movement. The peasant movement itself, caused by hunger and chaos, in the future will play a huge role in the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks. Documents and memoirs can serve in the study of the state of the population in the specified period.

scholarly journals Under the bridge in Tehran: Addiction, Poverty and Capital

Ethnography ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maziyar Ghiabi
Keyword(s):  
Drug Users ◽  
Primary Objective ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Urban Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
The City ◽  
The Way

The article provides an ethnographic study of the lives of the ‘dangerous class’ of drug users based on fieldwork carried out among different drug using ‘communities’ in Tehran between 2012 and 2016. The primary objective is to articulate the presence of this category within modern Iran, its uses and its abuses in relation to the political. What drives the narration is not only the account of this lumpen, plebeian group vis à vis the state, but also the way power has affected their agency, their capacity to be present in the city, and how capital/power and the dangerous/lumpen life come to terms, to conflict, and to the production of new situations which affect urban life.

scholarly journals A POLÍTICA DE CARIDADE, ASSISTÊNCIA E PROTEÇÃO À INFÂNCIA DESVALIDA EM BELÉM DO PARÁ: DO IMPÉRIO À REPÚBLICA

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protection Policy ◽  
Childhood Care ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The City

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>

scholarly journals No One is Illegal Between City and Nation

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nyers
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Community Belonging ◽  
The City

By challenging the state's prerogative to distinguish between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, political movements by and in support of migrants and refugees are forcing questions about what criteria, if any, can and should be used to determine who can claim membership in the political community. To illustrate the complexity of this politics this article analyzes the major demand that underscores every campaign undertaken by non-status refugees and migrants in Canada: a program that would allow them to "regularize" their status. Notably, these campaigns are being directed at both the state and city levels of governance. Together, these are two sites in which claims and counter-claims about community, belonging, and citizenship are being made by, for, and against non-status immigrants. In each case, migrant political agency is asserted in places meant to deny, limit, or repress it. The article argues that the significance of these sites is that they allow for non-status refugees and migrants themselves to act as mediators or translators between the city and nation, between polis and cosmopolis.

On the threshold of the state

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Natural World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Theoretical Level ◽  
The City

This introductory chapter provides a background of the conflicted relationship between nature and the city—the fraught intersection of the political and the natural world—in the natural law discourse of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In the course of this extraordinary century, marked by the outward expansion of European states across the globe and simultaneously by their internal implosion into civil war, the boundaries of political space were fundamentally contested not only at a practical but at a theoretical level, and the dominant idiom of that contestation was the universalizing juridical language of natural law. What was forged in the process, culminating iconically in the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and Thomas Hobbes' masterpiece Leviathan of 1651, is commonly taken to have been nothing other than the modern, territorial nation-state.

scholarly journals Death and the city

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Hrvoje Cvijanović
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
Ontological Status ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Personal Loss ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The One ◽  
The City

The author argues that the politicization of life discussed by many modern and contemporary political thinkers cannot be treated differently, and hence without the similar curiosity and importance, from the politicization of death. The dead body represents a powerful symbol and as such it is often politicized. The paper deals with the problem of postmortem violence and juridico-political mechanisms aimed at excluding from the political body those not being alive but whose dead presence threats the living. For that purposes the author reconstructs Sophocles’ Antigone as a paradigmatic text whose reinterpretation and contextualization serve for rethinking the Greek conceptualization of the dead, and the ways in which the state penetrates into the realm of private attachments and funeral rites, especially when dealing with dead traitors/terrorists. Assuming an equal ontological status of every dead body, the author, on the one hand, defends mortalist humanism as an equal ability to grieve someone’s personal loss against the state-sanctioned politics of mourning, and on the other hand, argues that subjecting the dead to bare death, i.e. by turning them to political corpses as legally constituted dead human entities disposed to postmortem political exclusion, degradation, violence, or to other dehumanizing or depersonalizing practices, accounts for the illegitimate expansion of political power, and thus for the rule of terror, as well as for the ultimate human evil.

scholarly journals Imagining the anti-gang: the state, the father and Jean-Claude Van Damme

2021 ◽  
Vol 9s11 ◽  
pp. 41-65
Author(s):  
Maarten Hendriks
Keyword(s):  
Martial Arts ◽  
The State ◽  
Urban Life ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Work ◽  
The City

Empirically focusing on the so-called anti-gang, a civilian policing group in the city of Goma (DRC), this article examines the nexus between the workings of the imagination and the politics of everyday policing. Four forms of political imaginations through which the anti-gang imagine themselves as everyday policing actors are identified: political imaginations around the state, citizenship, the father, and martial arts and action movies. The article makes two main arguments. First, political imaginations are not merely fantasies. Instead, the anti-gang harness them to do political work and impose themselves as street authorities. In doing so, they in turn contribute to giving form to these political imaginations, by making them tangible and experienced as real in everyday urban life. Second, the article asserts that the political imaginations that shape and are shaped by anti-gang practices show that they do not so much propose a new political order. Instead, they seek to be included in it, escape marginalisation and become politically significant.

scholarly journals Mobilidade territorial e política no discurso de lideranças indígenas do/no estado do Acre (Amazônia, Brasil)

Terr Plural ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Alessandra Severino da Silva Manchinery ◽  
Suzanna Dourado Silva ◽  
Adnilson de Almeida Silva
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous People ◽  
The State ◽  
Survival Strategies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Urban Centers ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The World ◽  
The City

It is proposed to discuss territorial mobility, the policies of indigenous leaders in the state of Acre, especially the Manchineri, their survival strategies in the world of non-indigenous people so that we can reflect on two changes that we testify in recent decades: mobility for the urban centers that include the indigenous people who were born in the city and those who arrived in the city, as well as its growing support in the country’s indigenous and non-indigenous political discussions in Brazil. The methodological path had as its own perspective of the leaders, for this will be reported their way of life and their involvement in the policies of different spheres of decision. The paper consists of three discussion sections that go from mobility to the political role played by leaders.

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