scholarly journals ¿Hubo checas en el Madrid de la Guerra Civil? Estudio comparado de la policía política soviética y los comités revolucionarios españoles (verano-otoño 1936) = Were there “Checas” in the Madrid of the Civil War? Comparative study of the Soviet political police and the Spanish revolutionary committees (summer-autumn 1936)

Author(s):  
Fernando Jiménez Herrera

Resumen: Ante el fenómeno inesperado que tuvo el golpe de estado y la derrota de la sublevación sobre el Estado republicano, surgieron toda una serie de micropoderes que intentaron y compitieron entre sí por ocupar el espacio que había dejado vacío el Gobierno. Estos micropoderes, comités revolucionarios en su mayoría, no solo persiguieron ganar la guerra, sino iniciar y asentar un proceso revolucionario, contrapuesto al modelo de estado Republicano. Estos centros, al ejercer la justicia popular, fueron catalogados por los sublevados como “checas”, ligando su imagen al modelo de policía política soviético, la Cheká. En este trabajo se va a analizar el término checa, comparando los dos sistemas, el ruso y el español, para valorar si este concepto ayuda o entorpece nuestra comprensión sobre un fenómeno tan complejo como fue el de la revolución.Palabras clave: Guerra civil, Cheká, Violencia, comités, Madrid.Abstract: Faced with the unexpected phenomenon of the coup d'état and the defeat of the revolt against the republican state, a whole series of micro-powers arose that tried and competed with each other to occupy the space left by the government. These micro-powers, revolutionary committees for the most part, not only sought to win the war, but to initiate and settle a revolutionary process, as opposed to the Republican state model. These centers, in exercising popular justice, were labeled by the insurgents as "Checa", linking their image to the Soviet political police model, the Cheká. In this paper we will analyze the Cheká term, comparing the two systems, Russian and Spanish, to assess whether this concept helps or hinders our understanding of a phenomenon as complex as the revolution.Keywords: Civil war, Cheká, Violence, committees, Madrid.

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Enrique Roldán Cañizares

Resumen: El golpe de Estado militar y el consecuente esta­llido de la guerra civil supusieron el colapso de las estructuras estatales de la II República. Como no podía ser de otro modo, la administración de jus­ticia también se vio afectada por dicho colapso, y tras un periodo de tiempo en el que el Gobierno fue incapaz de tomar las riendas de la situación, un nuevo sistema judicial fue construyéndose poco a poco, cargado de una fuerte impronta popular. En cuanto a la historiografía relativa a la justicia de la República en guerra, podemos encontrar des­de obras generales como la de Ángel Viñas, que, a pesar de tratar la guerra en su conjunto, hacen re­ferencia a la administración de justicia, hasta obras específicas como la de Glicerio Sánchez o Raúl C. Cancio, que se encargan de hacer una recopilación detallada y minuciosa de toda la legislación relativa a los Tribunales Populares. Del mismo modo tam­bién es posible encontrar historiografía especiali­zada en los casos de Cataluña y País Vasco, que por motivos distintos, ocupan un lugar especial dentro de la II República en guerra.Palabras clave: II República, Guerra civil, Tribunales Populares, Justicia, Golpe de Estado, Historiografía.Abstract: The coup d’etat and the subsequent breakout of the Spanish Civil War meant the collapse of the Second Republic’s state structures. The judiciary was affected by the collapse too, and after a pe­riod during which the government was unable to enforce control, a new judicial system was slowly built, a system that was highly characterized by jury courts. Among the historiographical works on justice in the Second Republic in wartime, we can find general works like that of Ángel Viñas, who, besides studying the Spanish civil war from a general point of view, also focuses his work on the judiciary. We can also find specific works, with Glicerio Sánchez and Raúl C. Cancio being good examples. These offer detailed compilations of the laws on Popular Tribunals. Finally, there is historiography on Catalonia and the Basque Country, which, for a variety of reasons, has a special place within the context of the Second Re­public in wartime.Key words: II Republic, civil war, Jury courts, Justice, Coup d’etat, Historiography.


Author(s):  
David Jones

The Spanish Civil War was a major military conflict between right-wing Nationalists and left-wing Republicans that erupted after a coup d’état was staged by rebel generals against the democratically elected Republican government. Following the ‘defense of Madrid’, during which Republicans held off a Nationalist siege on the Spanish capital, the conflict settled into a war of attrition, with Spain divided into two radically opposed territories. On the Nationalist side, an authoritarian dictatorship bolstered by the fascistic Carlist and Falange militias under General Francisco Franco (1892–1975) emerged, representing the interests of Spain’s conservative and Catholic élites. On the Republican side, defenders of the government of President Manuel Azaña (1880–1940) organized around radical anarchist and socialist trade unions (CNT, UGT, POUM) and volunteer militias.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 424
Author(s):  
Luis Gargallo Vaamonde

During the Restoration and the Second Republic, up until the outbreak of the Civil War, the prison system that was developed in Spain had a markedly liberal character. This system had begun to acquire robustness and institutional credibility from the first dec- ade of the 20th Century onwards, reaching a peak in the early years of the government of the Second Republic. This process resulted in the establishment of a penitentiary sys- tem based on the widespread and predominant values of liberalism. That liberal belief system espoused the defence of social harmony, property and the individual, and penal practices were constructed on the basis of those principles. Subsequently, the Civil War and the accompanying militarist culture altered the prison system, transforming it into an instrument at the service of the conflict, thereby wiping out the liberal agenda that had been nurtured since the mid-19th Century.


Author(s):  
Jaroslav Tir ◽  
Johannes Karreth

Two low-level armed conflicts, Indonesia’s East Timor and Ivory Coast’s post-2010 election crises, provide detailed qualitative evidence of highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) engaging in effective civil warpreventing activities in member-states. Highly structured IGOs threatened and sanctioned each of these states and offered (long-term) benefits conditional on successful crisis resolution. The governments were aware of and responded to these IGOs’ concerns, as did the rebels in these respective cases. The early stages of the conflict in Syria in 2011 provide a counterpoint. With Syria’s limited engagement in only few highly structured IGOs, the Syrian government ignored international calls for peace. And, without highly structured IGOs’ counterweight to curtail the government, the rebels saw little reason to stop their armed resistance. The result was a brutal and deadly civil war that continues today.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.


2013 ◽  
Vol 411-414 ◽  
pp. 3023-3028
Author(s):  
Pu Yan Zheng ◽  
Du Wang ◽  
Xiu Ping Yao ◽  
Yan Zhou Yuan

The urban heating is closely linked with peoples life. The chosen of heating scheme is affected by the index of energy-saving and emission-reduction. In this thesis the computational model of the indexes for different range were built and the indexes of four schemes were calculated. The results predicted the energy-saving and emission-reduction of each scheme and provided references for the government to formulate assessment criteria.


Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels

Abstract Governments grant amnesties to rebel groups during civil wars and this is a puzzle. Why would the government offer an amnesty, which can be interpreted as a signal of weakness? In certain circumstances, offering amnesty is a rational policy choice. Governments should give amnesties when they are winning: the risk of misinterpreted signals is lessened, costs are low, rebel groups are weakened, and so amnesty can be used instrumentally to encourage defection or division among foot soldiers or as an incentive to leaders. Therefore, the government capitalizes on its military advantage and offers amnesty in a “stick then carrot” tactic. Using a database of amnesties during conflicts from 1990 to 2011, the article shows that governments are more likely to give amnesties following high rebel deaths. The use of amnesty during conflict is nuanced and context is important when understanding strategic choices.


1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (290) ◽  
pp. 446-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Valencia Villa

Over the years the Americas have made significant contributions to the development of international humanitarian law. These include three nineteenth-century texts which constitute the earliest modern foundations of the law of armed conflict. The first is a treaty, signed on 26 November 1820 by the liberator Simón Bolívar and the peacemaker Pablo Morillo, which applied the rules of international conflict to a civil war. The second is a Spanish-American work entitled Principios de Derecho de Genres (Principles of the Law of Nations), which was published in 1832 by Andrés Bello. This work dealt systematically with the various aspects and consequences of war. The third is a legal instrument, signed on 24 April 1863 by United States President Abraham Lincoln, which codified the first body of law on internal conflict under the heading “Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field” (General Orders No. 100). This instrument, known as the Lieber Code, was adopted as the new code of conduct for the armies of the Union during the American Civil War.


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document