scholarly journals Así también se hace Patria. Fútbol y franquismo en Cataluña y el País Vasco (1939-1977) = That is also nation-building. Football and Francoism in Catalonia and the Basque Country (1939-1977)

2019 ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Alejandro Quiroga Fernández de Soto
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Pais Vasco

Resumen: El artículo analiza el uso que hizo la dictadura franquista del F. C Barcelona y del Athletic de Bilbao como instituciones deportivas a través de las cuales nacionalizar a catalanes y vascos en preceptos españolistas. A partir de 1939, el F. C. Barcelona y el Athletic de Bilbao fueron reconvertidos en instrumentos de propaganda de un nacionalismo franquista regionalizado en el que catalanes y vascos fueron presentados como colectivos esenciales de la Nueva España. El estudio revisar algunos postulados de la historiografía sobre las identidades nacionales y el fútbol durante el franquismo. En primer lugar, se pone en tela de juicio la idea de que el nacionalismo franquista pretendiera aniquilar todo vestigio de identidades regionales durante los primeros años de la dictadura. En segundo término, el artículo cuestiona la idea de que el mensaje nacionalista franquista fue disminuyendo en intensidad en las últimas décadas de la dictadura, a la vez que aumentaban los nacionalismos catalanes y vascos en los campos del F.C. Barcelona y del Athletic Bilbao respectivamente.Palabras clave: Fútbol, Franquismo, Nacionalismo, Deporte, Identidades regionales.Abstract: This article analyses the Franco dictatorship's uses of F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao to nationalize Catalans and Basques on Spanish principles. Following the Spanish Civil War, both F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao were turned into propaganda devices of a regionalized Francoist nationalism where Catalans and Basques were presented as key groups of the 'New Spain'. The article challenges the idea that the Franco regime sought to annihilate all vestiges of regional identities in the first years of the dictatorship. The paper also questions the notion that Francoist nationalism somehow weakened in the last years of the dictatorship, as the display of Catalan and Basque nationalism grew in the stadiums of F. C. Barcelona and Athletic Bilbao.Keywords: Football, Francoism, Nationalism, Sport, Regional identities.

scholarly journals La justicia de la II República española en guerra. Una aproximación historiográfica

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Enrique Roldán Cañizares
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
General Point ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pais Vasco

Resumen: El golpe de Estado militar y el consecuente esta­llido de la guerra civil supusieron el colapso de las estructuras estatales de la II República. Como no podía ser de otro modo, la administración de jus­ticia también se vio afectada por dicho colapso, y tras un periodo de tiempo en el que el Gobierno fue incapaz de tomar las riendas de la situación, un nuevo sistema judicial fue construyéndose poco a poco, cargado de una fuerte impronta popular. En cuanto a la historiografía relativa a la justicia de la República en guerra, podemos encontrar des­de obras generales como la de Ángel Viñas, que, a pesar de tratar la guerra en su conjunto, hacen re­ferencia a la administración de justicia, hasta obras específicas como la de Glicerio Sánchez o Raúl C. Cancio, que se encargan de hacer una recopilación detallada y minuciosa de toda la legislación relativa a los Tribunales Populares. Del mismo modo tam­bién es posible encontrar historiografía especiali­zada en los casos de Cataluña y País Vasco, que por motivos distintos, ocupan un lugar especial dentro de la II República en guerra.Palabras clave: II República, Guerra civil, Tribunales Populares, Justicia, Golpe de Estado, Historiografía.Abstract: The coup d’etat and the subsequent breakout of the Spanish Civil War meant the collapse of the Second Republic’s state structures. The judiciary was affected by the collapse too, and after a pe­riod during which the government was unable to enforce control, a new judicial system was slowly built, a system that was highly characterized by jury courts. Among the historiographical works on justice in the Second Republic in wartime, we can find general works like that of Ángel Viñas, who, besides studying the Spanish civil war from a general point of view, also focuses his work on the judiciary. We can also find specific works, with Glicerio Sánchez and Raúl C. Cancio being good examples. These offer detailed compilations of the laws on Popular Tribunals. Finally, there is historiography on Catalonia and the Basque Country, which, for a variety of reasons, has a special place within the context of the Second Re­public in wartime.Key words: II Republic, civil war, Jury courts, Justice, Coup d’etat, Historiography.

scholarly journals Deans of humanitarianism and perfidy. The collaboration of the Diplomatic Missions of Argentina and Chile with the Francoist cause during the Spanish Civil War (and after), 1936-1969

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e010
Author(s):  
Carlos Píriz
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
The Right ◽  
Good Number

During the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, some thirty Diplomatic Missions opened their doors and create new sites for the reception of persecution victims under the protection of the right of asylum. However, beyond the humanitarian role, a tendentious collaboration of some of their delegates with the rebels could be seen from the beginning. Argentina and Chile, which held the Diplomatic Deanship in those years, were two prime examples of this. A good number of their representatives used various strategies to help the coup plotters of 1936, such as the refuge, care and irregular extraction of people or espionage. At the same time, they played a role that alternated between searching for consensus with other Diplomatic Missions (mainly the Latin American ones), which really meant demanding that those other legations follow their lead, and denouncing the excesses of the consolidated republican rearguard, especially on the international scene. A situation which tarnishes the image of the legitimate Spanish governments. Once the contest ended, many of those collaborators were praised and rewarded by the Franco regime, and other fascists regimes. This research focuses on demonstrating, based on original documentation and providing new and compelling data, that close (and proven) relationship.

Mobility and Migration of Spanish Mathematicians during the Years around the Spanish Civil War and World War II

2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
José M. Pacheco
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Key Points ◽  
The Social ◽  
Mathematical Sciences ◽  
And Migration

ArgumentThis paper considers some aspects of the reception and development of contemporary mathematics in Spain during the first half of the twentieth century, more specifically between 1910 and 1950. It analyzes the possible influence of scientists’ mobility in the adoption of newer views or theories. A short overview of key points of the social and scientific background in nineteenth-century Spain locates the expounded facts in an appropriate context. Three leading threads are followed. First is the consideration of the mobility of some Spanish mathematicians during a period including World War I and World War II – when Spain was a theoretically neutral country – and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Second, the emergence and socio-political behavior of a dominant mathematical group gathered around Julio Rey Pastor between 1915 and 1936 is also accounted for, as well as its continuity after the Civil War into the 1940s. Third, attention is paid to the migration or interior exile of a number of mathematicians as a consequence of the Civil War. The paper is organized around nine Tables containing information on mobility of mathematicians, doctorates awarded in the mathematical sciences, and mathematical production in Spain during this period, accompanied by statistical résumés and comments on interesting entries. The main conclusions drawn are: 1) a number of integrants of the Rey group, himself included, officially traveled to Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland – usually after having obtained doctorates and fixed positions – imported mathematical knowledge into Spain; 2) the group also managed to dominate the mathematical panorama from both the scientific and the sociological viewpoint; 3) social usages in Spanish mathematical affairs established in Spain in the years prior to the Civil War present a clear continuity under the Franco regime once the war was over.

Memory and Politics in Democratic Spain

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-61
Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Truth Telling ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Right

This chapter explains the persistence of Spain’s ‘politics of forgetting’, a phenomenon revealed by the wilful intent to disremember the political memory of the violence of the Spanish Civil War and the human rights abuses of General Franco’s authoritarian regime. Looking beyond the traumas of the Civil War, the limits on transitional justice and truth-telling on the Franco regime imposed by a transition to democracy anchored on intra-elite pacts, and the conciliatory and forward-looking political culture that consolidated in the new democracy, this analysis emphasizes a decidedly less obvious explanation: the political uses of forgetting. Special attention is paid to how the absence of a reckoning with the past, protected politicians from both the right and the left from embarrassing and inconvenient political histories; facilitated the reinvention of the major political parties as democratic institutions; and lessened societal fears about repeating past historical mistakes. The conclusion of the chapter explains how the success of the current democratic regime, shifting public opinion about the past occasioned by greater awareness about the dark policies and legacies of the Franco regime, and generational change among Spain’s political class have in recent years diminished the political uses of forgetting. This, in turn, has allowed for a more honest treatment of the past in Spain’s public policies.

scholarly journals A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Relative Decline ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

scholarly journals Federico García Lorca : el 75 aniversario de su muerte

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 113-122
Author(s):  
Eszter Katona
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Body ◽  
Birth Date ◽  
Federico Garcia Lorca ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
The Family ◽  
Almost All

The anniversary of Federico Garría Lorca's death and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War is closely intertwined in the Spanish public awareness. The poet's birth date is equally an important date in the his toy of the Iberian nation, as Spain has lost its last colonies in 1898. Besides these two memorable dates, we also have to highlight 2007, when the Historical Memory Law (Ley de Memoria Histórica) was enacted, aiming to rehabilitate the victims of the Civil War and the Franco regime. This measure has launched such an avalanche on Spanish public life, that affected almost all the society in some way. The family of Garcia Lorca also had to take a commitment as the resting place of their world-famous relative was still unknown. In addition to the identification of the body of the dead poet, Lorca's homosexuality is a constant topic in literary and historical arríes. Today, Spanish society accepts the sexual orientation of the poet, but it remains disputed whether it had a real effec t on Lorca's poetry. Lorca's Hungarian popularity began in 1947 when Gypsy Ballads was issued then the premier of Bernarda in 1955, and has remained unbroken ever since. In connection with this year's anniversary, this study aims to present these three topics — the location of Lorca's resting place, Lorca's homosexuality, Lorca's reception in Hungary.

Alberto Onaindia: propagandista contra el franquismo | Alberto Onaindia: propaganda against Franco

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Cal
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
European Cities ◽  
The Press ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Pais Vasco

ResumenEl presente artículo es una aproximación a la labor de comunicador, publicista y propagandista del canónigo Alberto de Onaindia desde la guerra civil en España hasta los años sesenta, primero desde el debate público y la prensa escrita en el País Vasco, y más tarde como exiliado del franquismo, alternando las charlas radiofónicas desde varias capitales europeas, especialmente la BBC en Londres y Radio París, con conferencias y artículos. Personaje desconocido en el sector de la comunicación universitaria, escribió más de mil discursos o artículos, que se centraron en: nacionalismo, obrerismo, pastoral religiosa, derechos democráticos (verdad, justicia), críticas al franquismo y defensa de los vencidos.AbstractThis article intends to examine the work, between the 1930s and the 1960s, of Father Alberto de Onaindía, communicator, publisher and propagandist, firstly from the pulpit and the press in the Basque Country and later alternately through the press and through radio broadcasts in both London and Paris. As well as giving conferences in the cities he visited, Onaindía’s articles and broadcasts reached many other European cities and even as far as Latin America. The central themes of his talks were: nationalism, the labour movement, democratic rights (truth and justice), defence of the defeated and criticism of the Franco regime.Palabras Claveguerra civil; Onaindia;  propaganda; exilio; País Vasco .KeywordsSpain, civil war, the Basque Country, canon Onaindia, communication, propaganda, exile.

No Barrier Can Contain It

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Mae Lambe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Diverse Backgrounds ◽  
Cuban Government ◽  
The Face ◽  
General Strike ◽  
At Home

Vividly recasting Cuba’s politics in the 1930s as transnational, Ariel Mae Lambe has produced an unprecendented reimagining of Cuban activism during an era previously regarded as a lengthy, defeated lull. In this period, many Cuban activists began to look at their fight against strongman rule and neocolonial control at home as part of the international antifascism movement that exploded with the Spanish Civil War. Frustrated by multiple domestic setbacks, including Colonel Fulgencio Batista’s violent crushing of a massive general strike, activists found strength in the face of repression by refusing to view their political goals as confined to the island. As individuals and in groups, Cubans from diverse backgrounds and political stances self-identified as antifascists and moved, both physically and symbolically, across borders and oceans, cultivating networks and building solidarity for a New Spain and a New Cuba. They believed that it was through these ostensibly foreign fights that they would achieve economic and social progress for their nation. Indeed, Cuban antifascism was such a strong movement, Lambe argues, that it helps to explain the surprisingly progressive turn that Batista and the Cuban government took at the end of the decade, including the establishment of a new constitution and presidential elections.

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