Divergence and Conflict in Perception of North-South Korea Relations in the Early Days of the Post-Cold War -Focusing on the Confrontation between the Strong-Willed Group within the Government and the Dualization of the Civilian Unification Movement-

2021 ◽  
Vol 78 ◽  
pp. 333-359
Author(s):  
JI-Hyung Kim
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Government

Truth to Power

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Intelligence Community ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Intelligence Support ◽  
The Cold War

This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.

The Growth of Intelligence Contracting in the Post-Cold War Era

2019 ◽  
pp. 76-117
Author(s):  
Damien Van Puyvelde
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Intelligence Community ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Global War On Terrorism ◽  
Technology Revolution ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Government ◽  
Global War

This chapter charts and explains the rise of intelligence outsourcing in the post-Cold War era. In the 1990s, the private sector led the information technology revolution and became an indispensable asset for the intelligence community. Meanwhile government policies downsized the government intelligence workforce and a number of experienced officials moved to the private sector. Intelligence contracting boomed in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks because the private sector offered a pool of knowledge and capabilities that managers deemed necessary at the time. The government hired thousands of contractors to intensify the national intelligence effort rapidly, and outsourcing diversified to an unprecedented level. In the atmosphere of emergency that characterized the early days of the global war on terrorism, this expansion was not planned, and a variety of contractors related to the intelligence community in ways that were not always harmonious and economically viable.

Technically Allowed: Federal Scrutiny of Stanford University's Indirect Cost Expenditures and the Changing Context for Research Universities in the Post-Cold War Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  
Brent D. Maher
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Indirect Cost ◽  
Academic Science ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Sponsored Research ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Congressional Response ◽  
Defense Research ◽  
Changing Economy

Stanford University's indirect cost rates for federally sponsored research dramatically increased from 58 percent in 1980 to 78 percent in 1991. Faculty frustration with increasing rates and scrutiny from a zealous government contracting officer culminated in a congressional inquiry into Stanford's indirect cost accounting practices in 1990 and 1991. The investigation revealed controversial luxury expenses charged to the government, including a yacht and antiques for the Stanford president's home, which attracted extensive public attention. Stanford president Donald Kennedy admitted some expenses were accounting errors but defended many expenses as permissible under government rules. Stanford's aggressive overhead recovery practices represent the institution's struggle to adapt to a changing economy for sponsored research in the twilight of the Cold War. The congressional response, which included a cap on administrative cost recovery for all universities, highlighted how shifting federal priorities—from defense research to deficit reduction—strained the relationship between the federal government and academic science.

Just Say No: Explaining the Lack of International Mediation in Kashmir

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520
Author(s):  
Bidisha Biswas
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Archival Research ◽  
Strict Adherence ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Third Party Intervention ◽  
International Mediation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
External Intervention

AbstractThe dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is one of the world’s most protracted and potentially dangerous conflicts. While the international community has strong interest in limiting violent conflagration between the two states, third party action aimed at amelioration has been very limited. This contrasts with overall global mediation efforts, which have increased in the post-Cold War period. Using archival research, this study explores the reasons for the Government of India’s implacable opposition to any external intervention in the conflict. We argue that both strategic and ideational motivations have influenced its decisions. In particular, India’s strict adherence to the principle of strategic autonomy precludes the possibility of accepting external mediation. By exploring how and why strategic and ideational motivations intersect to become a formidable barrier to third party intervention, this article contributes to our understanding of why certain countries develop resistance to mediation.

North Koreans in South Korea and Beyond: Transnational Migration and Contested Nationhood

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-338
Author(s):  
Jin Woong Kang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Transnational Migration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
North Korean Refugees

This article examines the differentiated identities of North Koreans in South Korea and beyond in terms of transnational migration and contested nationhood. In the post-Cold War era, North Koreans in South Korea have been marginalised as a social minority, and comprise a subaltern group within South Korea, despite having South Korean citizenship. As a result, many North Korean refugees, including those who have already gained South Korean citizenship, have migrated to Western countries for a better life in terms of wealth and welfare. As active agents, they have pursued strategic lives in the host countries’ multicultural societies and Korean communities. Through complex transnational migration to South Korea and elsewhere, North Koreans have reformulated nationhood by contesting the idea of a “homogeneous nation” of Korea. This article focuses on how North Koreans have shaped their own Koreanness in the multicultural societies of the United States and the United Kingdom as well as in the hierarchical nationhood of South Korea. By doing so, it offers an alternative framework for looking at the multifarious identities of North Korean refugees globally.

Old and new questions for the public sphere: historicizing its theoretical relevance in post–Cold War South Korea

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-170
Author(s):  
Jiyeon Kang
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
The Public ◽  
Essential Components ◽  
Global North ◽  
The Public Sphere

In this article, I reflect on the theoretical rise of the public sphere in the 1990s from the vantage point of South Korea, connecting this approach to the broader context of the global post–Cold War transition. The case of South Korea – a postcolonial, authoritarian country with deep geopolitical connections to the West – offers a node of the global embrace of the public sphere in the 1990s for theorizing the transformation of authoritarian countries into liberal capitalist democracies, elevating the distinction between state and civil society as a prominent focus. However, the establishment of authoritarian public spheres in Asia and the illiberal turn of public spheres in the Global North in the 2010s call upon scholars to identify relevant questions regarding current public spheres while addressing what essential components define the public sphere. Here, I call for critical attention to the loci of power and oppression, to the production of critical practices within a particular social configuration, and to coexistence within a civil society. I end the article by proposing a set of suggestions for reading, theorizing, and teaching public sphere theories.

scholarly journals Strategic Interest and Media: A Global Perspective

PREDESTINASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Davina Nyiam
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Global Perspective ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War

Media has also been used as psychological warfare and a propaganda tool, particularly during times of wars and acts of insurgency. It has been used as a tool while fighting the wars and boosting the morale of the security forces across the nations. Propaganda, although it has existed almost indefinitely, has grown immensely during the past few centuries as a most strategic tool to guard the strategic interests of the nations. The propaganda was bolstered by the invention of the radio. The ability to communicate orally with a large number of people in a very small amount of time also helped the development of propaganda. This form of mass media has been used as the most effective tool with the government agencies to put forth their news and views. Radio has strategically suited governments across the globe to fight psychological wars by airing propaganda into the territories of the neighbouring countries. Since Radio is affordable and speaks in a local language and customs to a very common man, it has definitely an edge over other formats of communication when it comes to the question of guarding the strategic interests of a nation. This research discusses and deals with the strategic interests and the media and how radio has especially been used worldwide as a tool by a number of countries to safeguard their national interests. This chapter touches upon some theories and elements of propaganda, the use of radio during world wars and how countries guarded their strategic interests in the Cold War and Post-Cold War era.

Interdependence, Identity, and China–South Korea Political Relations

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-499
Author(s):  
See-Won Byun
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Societal Preferences ◽  
Qualitative Changes

Research on the relationship between international economic and political relations has produced no consensus on the pacifying effects of trade. Rapid trade growth and enduring tensions characterize post–Cold War Asia’s paradox. This study assesses the political effects of China-centered interdependence based on the China–South Korea case since 1992. Although trade may inhibit conflict in line with liberal expectations, its coercive potential limits its pacifying effects. When disputes arise, asymmetric interdependence generates strategic leverage and vulnerability, and amplifies the identity dimensions of conflict that shape societal preferences. China’s combination of economic pressure and nationalist discourse induces accommodation primarily through coercion. By blending state-led and society-led retaliation, economic and accountability costs are minimized. China–South Korea political interactions have increased in quantity but not quality. The Asian case underscores qualitative changes in political relations (rather than just instances of conflict), the material and nonmaterial repercussions of asymmetric trade, and the regional security implications of China-led interdependence.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document