The World. Challenges of the Global Crisis. Germany

Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 721-727
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina

Starting with the third decade of post-communism, the political landscape of the world that once belonged to the Soviet bloc or its satellites has been marked by important transformations at institutional and individual levels. So far, relatively little is known about how political parties respond to recent challenges and developments in politics and societies. This Focus seeks to address this gap in the literature and pursues theoretical, empirical and methodological objectives. The collection of articles seeks to outline a few theoretical models of adaptation to the political realities, to identify and explain various ways in which political parties respond to challenges and continue to perform their function of representation, and to measure variables and concepts that were previously approached only from a normative or descriptive perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Анђелко С. Лојпур

Резиме: Прелаз од социјалистичког ка тржишном облику привређивања, као саставном дијелу свеобухватних политичких и идеолошких промјена у Источној Европи, још увијек се показује као болан и неодвршен процес. С друге стране, према визији европске социјалне тржишне економије за 21. вијек, економија ЕУ треба да буде: интелигентна, одржива и интегративна. Такође, у стратешким документима се истиче да постоји широки консензус да се ради на имплементацији ова три приоритета до 2020. године, при чему они подстичу један други, те да се при њиховом провођењу у пракси морају уважити специфичности сваке државе чланице. Нема двојбе да се овдје истовремено ради и о реформама које се као задаци намећу пред земље које желе да се придруже ЕУ. У овом раду аутори имају за циљ да поређењем, прије свега, конкурентности као сводног показатеља укупног квалитета једне националне економије, земаља Југоисточне Европе и групе водећих тржишне економије које у том погледу заузимају лидерске позиције, укажу на потребу уважавања принципа “нове економије” и развоја властите иновационе стратегије.Summary: The transition from a socialist to a market economic activities as an integral part of the overall political and ideological changes in Eastern Europe, still proves to be a painful and incomplete process. On the other hand, according to the vision of Europe’s social market economy for the 21st century, the economy of the EU should be: intelligent, sustainable and integrative. Also, the strategy document says that there is a broad consensus that this is the implementation of the three priorities of the 2020th year, where they encourage one another, and that when their implementation in practice must take into account the specificities of each Member State. There is no doubt that this also works well as reforms as tasks imposed for countries wishing to join the EU.In this paper, the authors aim at comparing primarily as highlight competitiveness indicators of the overall quality of a nation’s economy, the countries of Southeast Europe and the group’s leading market economies in this respect occupying leadership positions indicate the need to respect the principles of the “new economy” and the development of their own innovation strategy.


Author(s):  
Paul M. Sniderman ◽  
Edward H. Stiglitz

This chapter explores a candidate-centered choice, creating an experimental setting biased in favor of candidate-centered spatial reasoning—removing any reference to political parties or their programs. The prediction is that, in spite of the absence of any reference to parties, many party supporters will nonetheless take into account the parties' policy reputations in choosing between candidates. Their doing so, absent a reference to the parties, will be the highest card one could play in support of the hypothesis that the parties' policy reputations influence their choices in the world of real politics, where the parties are among the most prominent features of the political landscape.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Klinov

Causes of upheaval in the distribution of power among large advanced and emerging market economies in the XXI century, especially in industry output and international trade, are a topic of the paper. Problems of employment, financialization and income distribution inequality as consequences of globalization are identified as the most important. Causes of the depressed state of the EU and the eurozone are presented in a detailed review. In this content, PwC forecast of changes in the world economy by 2050, to the author’s view, optimistically provides for wise and diligent economic policy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-557
Author(s):  
Miomir Jaksic ◽  
Aleksandra Prascevic

This study deals with important issues related to the new political macroeconomics and its appliance to the economic movements in Serbia, which is a country of ?new democracy? as well as with transition economy. In political macroeconomics, it is a known fact that the economic policy instruments can be used for political purposes - simulated improvement of economic indicators to win the elections. These options assume specific features in transition economies, such as the Serbian economy. The political instability in Serbia, reflected in frequent elections, as well as in the diversity in political and economic goals of the key political parties leading to increasing political uncertainty in both the pre-election and post-election periods, weakened the economic system. Simultaneously, using the economic policy for political purposes to support the ?pro-democratic? and ?pro-European? parties proved to be paradoxically justified.


Author(s):  
Anna М. Solarz

The 2015 immigration crisis revealed the weak cultural condition Europe finds itself in, given the adoption by a majority of states of a model for development that deliberately severs ties with common civilisational roots. However, while Poles do not really nurture prejudices against either Islam or immigrants, a decided majority of them voiced their unwillingness to accept new (mainly Muslim) arrivals, in the context of a solution to the above crisis the EU was intending to impose. A change of policy was thus forced upon the Union by Poland and other CEECs, given the latter’s strong guiding conviction that pursuit of a multicultural ideology leads to a weakening – rather than any improvement – in the condition of culture in Europe, and hence to a sapping of the continent’s power in the international relations sphere. As the crisis has made clear, the EU will probably have to start taking more account of preferences in this part of Europe. This means opportunities for the political science of religion to research the likelihood of a return to the Christian component of European identity, as well as the role this might play in improving the cultural condition of this part of the world.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


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