scholarly journals Building the Character and Thought Structure of Political Actors based on Pancasila Politics

Author(s):  
Ruhadi Ruhadi ◽  
Giri Harto Wiratomo

<p><em>The development of a negative stigma against politics today is a reality that occurs in the mindset of society. This is caused by various factors including the thoughts, attitudes, and behavior of political actors. One of them is a politician. The thoughts, attitudes, and behavior of politicians have a significant role in shaping the image of politics in the eyes of society. Currently, there is a lot of negative stigma about politics. There are two theories in politics, namely moral based theories and political theories that ignore the moral conflict between these two theories and there is a tug of war in the current political field in politicians so that two problems are related to the background of the basic thought structure of politicians who are driven to practice praxis. negative politics and efforts to form a political thought structure that is in line with the "Political Value" of the Indonesian nation are interesting issues to study. The method used in this paper is a qualitative approach with the literary study method, based approach, it can be seen that the theories currently developing are political theories that ignore the moral basis and requirements with pragmatism in politics so that it requires the strengthening and construction of the Pancasila political building which is prerequisite. with immorality to displace political theories that are far from moral bases and to eradicate various immoral behavior of politicians today.</em></p>

2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-274
Author(s):  
Alexandra A. Siegel ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Richard Bonneau ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

abstractDo online social networks affect political tolerance in the highly polarized climate of postcoup Egypt? Taking advantage of the real-time networked structure of Twitter data, the authors find that not only is greater network diversity associated with lower levels of intolerance, but also that longer exposure to a diverse network is linked to less expression of intolerance over time. The authors find that this relationship persists in both elite and non-elite diverse networks. Exploring the mechanisms by which network diversity might affect tolerance, the authors offer suggestive evidence that social norms in online networks may shape individuals’ propensity to publicly express intolerant attitudes. The findings contribute to the political tolerance literature and enrich the ongoing debate over the relationship between online echo chambers and political attitudes and behavior by providing new insights from a repressive authoritarian context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Ramstetter

Though research provides ample evidence that mindfulness shapes psychological processes and states that are linked to political attitudes and behavior, political science has so far largely ignored mindfulness as a potential explanatory factor shaping political attitudes and actions. This literature review aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the concept of mindfulness and outlines potential linkages between mindfulness and outlines political attitudes. I begin by identifying gaps in the literature on political attitude formation and change as well as its linkage to political behavior. I then introduce mindfulness as a multifaceted concept, discussing its definitional features and unravelling the mechanisms of mindfulness affecting cognitive and emotional abilities. Building on this foundation, I review research on correlates and effects of mindfulness on attitudes and behaviors related to the political domain, such as pro-environmentalism and pro-social behavior. Critically reflecting on extant research on mindfulness, I propose possible research avenues for political science that enhance its dialogue with neuroscience and social psychology.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciavolella

This article retraces the parallel and contrasting developments of state formation and of citizenship in Mauritania, recasting the reflection on postcolonial and anthropological debates on citizenship and state and civil society. In this perspective, cultural, ethnic and even “racial” differences – such as the Arabs/Africans or White/Black peoples dichotomies – have alternatively been considered as a social resource for consolidating a postcolonial nation or a threat to social harmony and to political development. The article deconstructs both of these positions in order to show their common features in their tendency to reduce state and civil society relationships to a matter of “horizontal” interactions between social groups. The hypothesis is that these visions have historically played a depoliticizing role, hiding the “vertical” dimension of relationships between hegemonic governing elites and social groups that are economically and socially fragmented, hierarchized, and even discriminated against. The article proceeds in three steps. First, it shows the way in which issues of identity are highly sensitive in contemporary Mauritania, relying particularly on a recent case of ethnic discrimination during a census campaign. It then retraces the evolution of political and intellectual debates on identities in Mauritanian society, putting them in perspective with the evolution of political power or of the political interests and views of social and political actors. Finally, it relies on historical and ethnographic records about a particular social group (a pastoral Fulani lineage), which does not fit into usual ethnic categories and dichotomies, and by that ultimately shows the political value of discourses on identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Dolez

This article investigates how citizens speak about representative democracy and questions their perceptions of representation and of the democratic regime they live in, by mobilizing the distinction between diffuse and specific support, in a context of personalized politics. It shows that political actors and their performances are at the core of citizens' perceptions. I investigate citizens' representations of the political field through an original qualitative fieldwork, composed of couple interviews with French citizens, under the Sarkozy presidency. Studies about the political support of citizens often mobilize quantitative surveys to measure the degree of support and satisfaction. I rather choose the qualitative approach to grasp perceptions of political field through discussions about political and societal issues. Couple interviews offer an adequate framework to observe political opinions that are built in daily life. Representations of the political field are mainly dominated by the role of political actors. Political parties and institutions are rarely mentioned. Politicians are systematically held accountable, and are often criticized in citizens' discussions. The existing literature has often distinguished specific and diffuse support. My analysis tends to show that the weakness of the former through personalization can undermine the support for the regime. However, alternatives to representative democracy remain underexplored and even not considered. Overall, these representations depend on sociopolitical factors, such as political convictions or social backgrounds.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


JURNAL PESONA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Jafar Fakhrurozi ◽  
Dian Puspita

 AbstrakPenelitian ini mengkaji konsep Piil Pesenggiri yang terkandung dalam wawancan masyarakat Lampung Saibatin. Piil Pesenggiri dapat diartikan sebagai keharusan hidup bermoral tinggi, berjiwa besar, tahu diri dan kewajiban. Piil Pesenggiri merupakan falsafah hidup masyarakat adat Lampung yang dijadikan landasan sikap dan perilaku masyarakat dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Sikap dan perilaku tersebut dapat ditunjukkan melalui sastra lisan. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, penelitian ini berusaha untuk menunjukkan teks wawancan yang mencerminkan konsepsi piil pesenggiri. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode etnografi. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan proses wawancara, dan pendokumentasian tuturan. Selanjutnya data diolah dan dianalisis sehingga dapat terungkap hasil penelitian. Secara umum hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya empat konsep piil pesenggiri dalam teks wawancan. Hasil penelitian ini dapat dijadikan sebagai upaya pendokumentasian, penyelamatan, dan pelestarian bahasa dan budaya Lampung.Kata kunci: Piil Pesenggiri, Sastra Lisan, Wawancan, Lampung, Saibatin  AbstractThis study examines the concept of Piil Pesenggiri contained in the wawancan of the Lampung Saibatin community. Piil Pesenggiri can be interpreted as the necessity to live with high morals, to have a big spirit, to know yourself and to have obligations. Piil Pesenggiri is a phil osophy of life for the indigenous people of Lampung which is used as the basis for people's attitudes and behavior in their daily life. These attitudes and behaviors can be shown through oral literature. Based on this, this study seeks to show wawancan texts that reflect the conception of piil pesenggiri. This study uses a qualitative approach with ethnographic methods. The data was collected by means of an interview process and documentation of the speech. Furthermore, the data is processed and analyzed so that it can reveal the results of the research. In general, the results of the study indicate that there are four concepts of piil pesenggiri in wawancan texts. The results of this research can be used as an effort to document, save, and preserve Lampung language and culture.Key words: Piil Pesenggiri, Oral Literature, Wawancan, Lampung, Saibatin 


Author(s):  
Royal G. Cravens

From the late 20th and into the early 21st centuries, scholars in the field of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) politics have produced a substantial body of literature that explores and explains the political attitudes and behavior of sexual and gender minorities. The interdisciplinary nature of the field is reflected in the broad range of approaches and theories that attempt to explain political phenomena among LGBTQ people. The majority of the literature reveals sexual minorities to be politically distinct from heterosexuals, in that sexual minorities are more ideologically liberal and, in the United States, more likely to support Democratic partisans. Largely because of heterosexism, sexual and gender minorities are also more likely to participate in political activities that directly implicate their sexual orientation or gender identity, such as volunteering with LGBTQ interest groups or attending “Pride” events, although sexual orientation and gender identity are significant predictors of a variety of attitudes and behavior. Recent research has demonstrated that LGBTQ people also participate in politics by running for office, mounting legal challenges to discriminatory laws or government actions, and collectively organizing locally, nationally, and internationally. Explanations for LGBTQ political distinctiveness have concentrated in three broad areas: selection, embeddedness, and conversion theories. While studies have provided supportive evidence for each hypothesis, the field has also increasingly turned to intersectional evaluations that admonish researchers to interrogate intragroup LGBTQ behavioral and attitudinal heterogeneity more fully. The infusion of intersectional theory into LGBTQ political research has revealed attitudinal and behavioral distinctions among sexual and gender minorities centered on axes of race and ethnicity, nationality, religion, age, and income, among others. The critical importance of disentangling the concepts of sexual orientation and gender identity, the recognition of cross-cutting structures of oppression such as homophobia, sexism, and racism, and the emergence of subfields of LGBTQ political behavior are indicative of a burgeoning field of study. Looking to the future of LGBTQ political research, the political successes of the LGBTQ movement and evolving conceptions of sexual and gender identity have necessitated a reevaluation of LGBTQ political behavior in the 21st century. The continued diffusion of same-sex marriage, the electoral capture of LGBTQ voters, and the destabilization of identity categories that has been demanded by queer theory all pose unique challenges to the future of LGBTQ politics and political mobilization around the globe.


Author(s):  
Nurlaili Rafiah

Amongraga & Tembanglaras novel is one of the very interesting literary works to be studied because this novel contains a lot of religious values illustrated from the attitudes of the characters contained in the story for example, mutual assistance, behaving honestly and politely to anyone. We can apply this attitude in social life. This study aims to find and describe the attitudes or behaviors of people who are motivated by the teachings of their religion shown in attitudes and behavior in social life for example, helping one another, being honest and polite. The method used in this study is a qualitative approach that is supported by data collection using document or library techniques. The data source in this research is Novel Amongraga & Tembanglaras Karya Ardian Kresna. Data analysis techniques in this study use the concept of hermeneutics by taking steps namely, reading, marking, coding, analyzing. The results of the study showed that in the novel Amongraga & Tembanglaras depicted many positive attitudes and behaviors shown by good deeds, friendly, and polite to anyone and can be used as an example in daily life.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo De Sio

The literature highlights how different individual levels of political interest and knowledge matter for political attitudes and behavior. A logical-quantitative voting model is thus proposed for a two-party system, based on voters' left—right ideological positions and their degree of political involvement. The model hypothesizes that although more involved voters generally behave in accordance with their ideological orientation, those who are less involved do not. Moreover, the latter tend to be more undecided and therefore likely to be more strongly influenced by campaign activities. This model is then applied to survey data regarding the 2001 Italian general elections. Results confirm the hypotheses and show that the most competitive area is ideologically a narrow centrist area for very involved citizens, becoming wider as the level of involvement decreases. Separate analyses are carried out for different geopolitical areas of the country, with results fitting the political history of these areas.


2016 ◽  
Vol 115 (780) ◽  
pp. 130-135
Author(s):  
Aqil Shah

The prospects for successful democratic consolidation in Bangladesh will depend on the political elites' ability to abandon their zero-sum rivalry and demonstrate commitment to democratic norms in their attitudes and behavior.


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