scholarly journals Participant Observation on Winning Female Candidates in the 20th General Election: Comparing the Cases of Kangnam Eul and Byung districts at Seoul

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-88
Author(s):  
Joohyun Kang
2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 736-742
Author(s):  
Leslie Caughell

ABSTRACTCandidate gender has become a major theme in the 2016 presidential campaign. Secretary Clinton appears to be emphasizing her gender to a greater degree than she did in 2008, even invoking gender in primary debates as something that separates her from the political establishment. Her opponent in the general election, Donald Trump, claimed that Clinton was playing the “woman card” and that Clinton has little to offer as a candidate beyond her sex. However, scholars have little sense of the effectiveness of playing the woman card by emphasizing the historic first associated with a candidacy, a strategy with inherent risks. This project examines the effect of playing the woman card by emphasizing the historic nature of a female executive candidate, and demonstrates that playing the woman card may actually benefit female candidates among certain subsets of voters. Playing the gender card appeals to voters traditionally underrepresented in politics and to weak Democrats and independents. These findings suggest that playing the gender card may benefit female candidates, especially Democrats, in elections.


Author(s):  
O Babayo Sule ◽  
Usman Sambo ◽  
Yoserizal Saragih

Election is perceived as the most peaceful means of power transfer in a democratic setting. It enables for competitive struggles to secure power in a prescribed rule of the game constitutionally. Nigeria is a democratic state currently undergoing its longest democratic transition unprecedented in the history of the country where six consecutive uninterrupted General Elections were conducted. However, the major issue of concern with Nigeria’s democratisation is youth participation and exclusion from politics. A major factor behind the marginalisation of youth is linked to the transparency question in terms of party financing and money politics. This study examined critically how the process of party financing excluded Nigeria’s youth from participating in the 2019 General Election. The study used a qualitative case study method. Data were gathered from primary and secondary sources. The primary sources included an in-depth interview with relevant stakeholders in the field, direct participant observation and consultation of government’s primary documents. The secondary sources were books, journals, newspapers, reports from organisations and agencies and internet sources. The data collected were discussed and interpreted using statistical techniques of tables, charts and a model. The work discovered that youth were barred from participating in Nigeria’s 2019 General Election in terms of contesting and winning of elective seats emanating from heavy use of money in party financing and campaign expenditure. The study thus, recommends that the viable alternative for youth to participate in Nigerian politics actively is to establish parties and lower the cost of obtaining party nomination and contest.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Isabel Kusche

Abstract Possible gender differences in the self-presentation of political candidates have been a recurring research topic for many years. Yet studies that compare large numbers of candidates have mainly used data from the United States. This article uses a unique data set from the run-up to the 2016 general election in Ireland to compare the self-presentation of male and female candidates. The data are based on video statements of almost 90% of the candidates who ran in the election. With its lack of party polarization and recent introduction of a gender quota, Ireland is a particularly interesting case for analyzing possible gender differences in political campaigning. Findings confirm previous research that has found few gender differences in issue priorities but contradict it in other respects, especially regarding differences in stressing political experience and personal background. The results suggest that female candidates saw electoral benefits from conforming to expectations about women as caregivers, but they wished to avoid a stereotype limiting them to this role by also emphasizing their occupational background. Their strong personalization may also indicate an attempt to stress individuality in a context in which the gender quota drew special attention to women as a category.


Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Umar Adamu ◽  
Usman Sambo

The 2019 General Election is another milestone and a watershed in the efforts of Nigeria towards democratisation. It has been the six consecutive times that General Elections are successfully conducted in the Fourth Republic which has been unprecedented in the history of the country. This work investigated the major issues, challenges, successes and lessons learnt from the Election. It is notable that elections in Nigeria for over fifty (50) years remain a war-like affair and the phenomenon seem to be continuous despite the long experience of democratic practice in the current Republic. The research used both primary and secondary sources of data analysis. The primary sources consist of participant observation, data from the electoral body; the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and reports from observers and civil societies that directly participated in the exercise. The secondary sources include books, journals, internet and other existing literature on the subject matter of study. The data obtained were analysed and discussed using a qualitative approach method where themes and sub-themes were identified and discussed analytically. The research discovered that the 2019 General Election was heralded with several issues, various challenges and some level of success and that there are lessons that are learnt from the process for future General Elections’ conduct in the country. The work recommends among other suggestions that for a better General Election in future in the country, some observed avoidable mistakes must be taken care of immediately and that the success part should be strengthened to ensure effectiveness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-446
Author(s):  
Benjamin Melusky ◽  
Eric Loepp ◽  
Kristin Kanthak

At least partially in response to Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election (Jordan and Balz 2018), 2018 witnessed a record number of women running for and winning legislative elections across the country. This candidacy surge affords a unique opportunity to evaluate why individuals choose to run for office. Extant literature identifies both individual- and institutional-level determinants of candidate entry, yet little attention has been given to a critical institutional feature that can encourage or discourage women to put their names forward: primary type. This article develops a model of candidate emergence positing that different primary systems—by virtue of including and excluding the participation of various subpopulations of a state’s electorate—will be more or less attractive to potential female candidates relative to potential male candidates. We uncover evidence consistent with our theory: women appear less interested in running in certain types of primaries (e.g., semi-closed) but find other systems more appealing (e.g., nonpartisan). The results also indicate that after considering primary type, women tend to outperform men in the subsequent general election across the board. This study provides encouraging evidence that closing the representation gap is an increasingly achievable goal but that the rules of the electoral game continue to determine who is playing.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manon Tremblay

AbstractThis article investigates whether the entry of a greater number of women into the political arena could transform gender relations. The opinions of female and male New Democratic, Liberal and Parti québécois candidates in the 1989 Quebec general election were polled, in order to clarify three main questions: Do the female candidates polled have opinions favourable to feminist demands? Do female and male candidates have the same opinions with respect to these demands? Do political party and political philosophy influence the opinions of each sex on feminist demands? The results show that, generally speaking, women have higher scores on a feminist index than men. More specifically, this gap between women and men varies in accordance with the thematics of feminism, and with political party and political philosophy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Usman Sambo

Elections are usually accompanied with controversies and irregularities in Nigeria emanating from several factors such as the procedures, regulations, nature of political culture and political gameplay in the country and elites’ attitudes towards power. The 2019 Gubernatorial election in Nigeria was enshrouded in controversies, malpractices and inconsistencies because of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines for the conduct of election which provided for inconclusive elections in some circumstances. This study examined critically some states in Nigeria that are affected by the politics of inconclusive elections where the elections were extended for additional two weeks due to some issues that could not allow for the final declaration after the first date of the election. The inconclusive election heralded several problems and a setback to election in Nigeria because of recorded violence, malpractices, rigging and other related obstacles. The research employed a qualitative methodology of data collection and analysis. Both primary and secondary sources were used for data collection. The primary sources involved an in-depth interview, participant observation and reference to INEC’s documented data. The secondary data used were books, journals, newspapers, internet sources and reports. The data collected were discussed using content analysis for analytical interpretations. The study discovered that the guideline for the conduct of the 2019 General Election which stipulated for the provision of inconclusive election created several inconclusive elections in some states like Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Kano, Plateau and Sokoto which later was followed by irregularities and violence. The work recommends among others that such criteria should be abandoned and declare any contestant that fulfill the minimum criteria as returned elected.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110615
Author(s):  
Siim Trumm ◽  
Andrew Barclay

The 2016 European Union referendum revealed fundamental divisions in British politics and society more broadly. It also raised key questions around representation and the role of Members of Parliament. Should they follow their own judgement or their constituents’ preferences when the two are not aligned? This study uses data from the Representative Audit of Britain Survey to examine what parliamentary candidates believe the answer to this question should be. We find that most candidates expect Members of Parliament to prioritise their own views. This belief is particularly prevalent among incumbents and those who do not think of Members of Parliament as career politicians. We also find a gender effect as male candidates are more likely to think that Members of Parliament should prioritise their own views than female candidates. Interestingly, however, there is no evidence of a Brexit effect when we compare the views of 2015 and 2017 general election candidates.


Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Nadrawina Isnin

The 14th Malaysian General Election (GE2018) had changed the political landscape in Malaysia.  For the very first time, the ruling party of Barisan Nasional failed to dominate the government in all states except that of Pahang, Perlis, and Sarawak.  This study is intended to discuss the scenario of GE2018 by focusing on the election results among female candidates in Sarawak. Ten female candidates participated in GE2018 as compared to a total of 78 candidates to grab 31 Parliamentary seats in Sarawak.  Meaning, merely 12.82 percentages of female candidates competed in GE2018.  Nevertheless, out of ten female election candidates competing, only five (4 PBB + 1 DAP) won which was 16.12 percentages of winning whilst a big portion of the percentages of 83.87 went to the winning male election candidates.  Interestingly, the usage of social media is frequently used by the candidates in GE2018.  Hence, this work focuses on the usage of social media among two female Muslim election candidates from a political party of Parti Bumiputera Bersatu Sarawak (PBB).  The findings reveal that the frequent usage of Facebook has positive and negative impacts on both female candidates. Even though both female candidates win the election but one has an increased in votes and majority votes whilst the other has a drastic decrease of votes and majority votes obtained.  


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