scholarly journals Political Behaviours of Internal Auditors in the Indonesian Public Organisation

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-90
Author(s):  
Muhammad Syaebani ◽  
Annisa Merdekawati ◽  
Monica Devina ◽  
Dindha Primadini

Political behaviours are common in a workplace, including in a public organisation. However, political behaviours are like a double-edged sword. They could support the management, but on the other hand, they could also turn into a negative side which generates some drawbacks and inhibits the effectiveness of management. This research focuses on types, causes, impacts, and solutions of internal auditors’ political behaviours. We used the phenomenological methodology and qualitative approach. Interviews were conducted with ten auditors from various backgrounds to ensure the validity of the findings. This research revealed four main conclusions. First, there are two types of political behaviour, namely defensive political behaviour and impressive management. Second, the causes of political behaviour are individual and organisational. Third, the political behaviour could impact intrapersonal auditors, interpersonal relationship, and organisation as a whole. Fourth, this research indicates solutions to encounter the problems by improving the human resource system and organisational culture.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-154
Author(s):  
Iis Khaerunisah ◽  
M. Japar ◽  
Suhadi Suhadi

This study aims to explain the political culture of Indramayu women through political behaviour and political orientation. The method used is descriptive method with qualitative approach. Data collection was carried out through observation, literature studies, and in-depth interviews. The results of the study show that women’s political participation in Indramayu is quite high, especially in the legislatives and excecutive institutions. However, women politicians have not succeeded in fighting for the maximum issue of womens. This happens because of their limited ability and knowledge of the problem that arise. Most female politicians do not have adequate education. They appear as politicians instaneously who rely on the influence of family or relatives who dominate the local bureaucracy.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.


Harmoni ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Hendrik A.E Lao ◽  
Ezra Tari ◽  
Merensiana Hale

This paper focuses on interpersonal communication in interfaith families. Interfaith families are smallunits of society whose members are of different religions. Differences are often a source of conflict between husband and wife, including religion. In the way of life of interfaith couples, different opinions about beliefs cause problems. Differences are still unavoidable in families married to different religions. Religious differences can lead to prolonged conflicts. Although different religions, of course, the family has the right to live in peace and happiness as a family in general. However, it is undeniable that interfaith families cannot last long. Therefore, efforts are needed for families to be able to live with each other accepting differences in terms of different religions. Communication is one of the efforts to maintain family harmony. Lack of communication can cause rifts in the household. The purpose of the study was to describe the effectiveness of interpersonal communication for families of different religions. The research method used is a descriptive qualitative approach. This approach seeks to find problems and solutions in the field. Research results in interpersonal communication are communication between individuals or between groups. Interpersonal communication will be more effective if the atmosphere is equal. That is, there must be a tacit acknowledgement that both parties are equally valuable and valuable. Husbands and wives have something important to contribute. In an interpersonal relationship characterized by equality, disagreement and conflict are seen as an attempt to understand differences. This communication helps in avoiding and reducing various problems and can share knowledge and experiences with family members. There are five general qualities of interpersonal communication effectiveness for interfaith families: 1) Openness, 2) Empathy, 3) Supportive Attitude, 4) Positive Attitude, 5) Equality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Nor Shahila Mansor ◽  
Normaliza Abd Rahim ◽  
Roslina Mamat ◽  
Hazlina Abdul Halim

This paper investigates the choices of second person terms of address in the Malay culture. It examines the different patterns of address terms used in a range of communicative situations by interlocutors coming from diverse social backgrounds. The data for this study was obtained from two Malay dramas Ijab & Qabul (The solemnization of marriage) and Tiga Hari Menanti Mati (Three Days Until Death). These dramas were selected because they reflect in the usage of terms of address in an authentic social context of the Malay culture and represent various interpersonal relationships in a range of situations. This is a descriptive study with a qualitative approach. Forty-eight different second person terms of address were recorded and analysed in specific contexts based on the framework for classifying address terms established by Kroger, Wood and Kim (1984). The findings suggest that sociolinguistic elements such as interlocutors, contexts, determinants of interpersonal relationship, and intentions were determining factors influencing the choice of second person terms of address in the Malay culture. These findings have implications on the understanding of current trends in choosing the terms of address among Malay speakers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202127
Author(s):  
Chirles da Silva Monteiro ◽  
Gutemberg Armando Diniz Guerra

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.


Author(s):  
MANUAL DAMILAN ◽  
LAI YEW MENG ◽  
MAUREEN DE SILVA

Artikel ini membincangkan dinamika elektoral yang mempengaruhi gelombang sentimen dan pilihan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang semasa Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah 1967 hingga 1982, iaitu semasa era pentadbiran United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) dan Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA). Ramai penulis dan pengkaji mendakwa bahawa senario politik Malaysia khususnya di Sabah sejak dahulu adalah berasaskan dinamika primordial, iaitu sentimen kuat yang tidak dapat dielakkan dan berkait dengan persamaan ciri sosial manusia seperti agama, etnik, puak, bahasa, kekeluargaan dan sebagainya (Loh, 2009; xii). Senario ini telah menyebabkan kebanyakan parti politik cenderung meletakkan calon yang memiliki banyak persamaan dari segi etnik dan agama dengan pengundi di satu-satu kawasan. Walaupun begitu, kemenangan calon bukan Kimaragang (Pilihan Raya 1967 dan 1981) dan kemenangan calon beragama Islam pada tahun 1971 dan 1982 di kawasan Tandek membuktikan bahawa dinamika primordial bukanlah satu-satunya dinamika yang mempengaruhi sentimen dan keputusan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang. Sebaliknya, terdapat juga dinamika-dinamika lain yang turut terlibat. Justeru, berpandukan kepada pendekatan kualitatif, kajian akan melihat sejauhmana dinamika primordial mempengaruhi sentimen politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang di kawasan DUN Tandek dari tahun1967 hingga 1982. Kata kunci: Dinamika elektoral, Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah, DUN Tandek, sejarah politik Sabah, masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang, Kota Marudu. This article discusses the electoral dynamics affecting the popular groundswell and political choice of the Kimaragang Dusun community in Sabah State Assembly elections from 1967 to 1982, notably during the era of the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA) administration. Many writers and researchers claim that Malaysia’s political scenario especially in Sabah has been primarily driven by primordial dynamics which refers to strong sentiments related to human social characteristics such as religion, ethnicity, language, family, and so on (Loh, 2009, p. xii) . This scenario has created a tendency among many political parties to place candidates who share common ethnic and religious attributes with the majority of voters in one area. However, the victory of non-Kimaragang candidates (1967 and 1981 State Election) as well as Muslim candidates in 1971 and 1982 in the predominantly Dusun Kimaragang area of Tandek proved that primordial sentiments were not the only electoral dynamic affecting the popular groundswell and political decisions of the Kimaragang Dusun community as there were also other dynamics involved. Hence, based on a qualitative approach, the study seeks to analyse the extent to which primordial dynamics influenced the political sentiments of the Kimaragang Dusun community in the Tandek state constituency from 1967 to 1982. Keywords: Electoral dynamics, Sabah State Assembly election, Tandek State Constituency, Sabah political history, Dusun Kimaragang community,Kota Marudu.


INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Budi Rizka ◽  
Lismalinda ◽  
Adnan ◽  
Moriyanti ◽  
Faisal

Purpose of the study: The study aims are to investigate levels of language politeness and its violations in the political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo and to describe the types of politeness and its violations in political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo as Indonesian president candidates in 2019. Methodology: This research was used a qualitative approach with the descriptive method by paying attention to the Interactive Model theory to describe the object in analysis data through a pragmatic approach to identify the politeness principles and its violation following Leech’s (1983) theory. The subject of data on this research has conducted the utterances of Indonesian president candidates 2019 in the second debate session. Main Findings: The result of the study can be concluded that five principles of politeness seen in the utterances of the presidential candidate. They are tact, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy maxim. Furthermore, in this research, Prabowo was more polite than Jokowi where he has produced utterances of approbation, agreement, and less violation of modesty, while Jokowi more violated the modesty maxim. Applications of this study: The study has an impact on political behavior. Other areas of study include social and political science and communication Novelty/Originality of this study: This research is the new way in the context of language politeness study where combined the language politeness principles with socio-political science especially political communication.


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