'The Blessed Land': Narratives of Peasant Resistance at Nandigram, West Bengal, in 2007

<p>In early 2007, the West Bengal state government in India sought to acquire over 10,000 acres of cultivated rural land in Nandigram, East Midnapur. The government, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led Left Front coalition, sought to acquire this land to allow the Indonesian industrialists, the Salim group, to construct a chemical hub. Land acquisition had been increasing in India since 2005, when the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act was passed for the purpose of attracting investment from national and multinational corporations. Peasants in Nandigram were opposed to the acquisition of their land, and during 2007 successfully resisted the government attempts to do so. In response, the CPI-M sent party cadre to harass, rape and murder the peasantry, using their control of government to punish people in Nandigram. This thesis examines the events at Nandigram between June 2006 and May 2008 and investigates the narratives of peasant resistance that emerged in West Bengal. It focuses on three groups of West Bengal society: the peasants of Nandigram, the intellectuals and civil society of West Bengal, and the major political parties of West Bengal. Existing explanations of the events at Nandigram have focused on the role of intellectuals and civil society, and their views have dominated the literature. The existing historiography has argued that land acquisition policies and the subsequent resistance at Nandigram were an effect of neoliberal policies, policies that had been pursued by both the central and state governments in India since the 1990s. Resistance at Nandigram was explained as a broad movement that involved the peasantry and adivasi, but also the civil society groups that opposed neoliberal policies. However, as this thesis demonstrates, the peasantry at Nandigram rarely articulated their resistance as 'against' neoliberalism, and there was little consciousness of the movement challenging neoliberal policies. Rather, it was the local conditions and history of the area that informed their resistance. Amongst intellectuals and civil society, only a minority connected resistance at Nandigram to the wider issue of neoliberalism. The dominant perspective of these groups was that land acquisition policies, and neoliberal reforms in general, were necessary for the development of West Bengal. They criticised the CPI-M only for badly managing the process of land acquisition. The neoliberal consensus extended to the West Bengal political parties, muting serious debate over the economic direction of the state. The discourse of the political parties was limited to allegations of corruption, violence and criminality. Therefore, an investigation of how people in West Bengal viewed the resistance at Nandigram shows that discontent was not generally articulated in opposition to neoliberal polices. Rather, local politics and local issues had a more immediate effect on people's views, focusing discontent on the governance of the CPI-M. This resulted in the resistance at Nandigram evolving into a movement that sought to challenge the continued rule of the CPI-M in West Bengal.</p>

'The Blessed Land': Narratives of Peasant Resistance at Nandigram, West Bengal, in 2007

<p>In early 2007, the West Bengal state government in India sought to acquire over 10,000 acres of cultivated rural land in Nandigram, East Midnapur. The government, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led Left Front coalition, sought to acquire this land to allow the Indonesian industrialists, the Salim group, to construct a chemical hub. Land acquisition had been increasing in India since 2005, when the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act was passed for the purpose of attracting investment from national and multinational corporations. Peasants in Nandigram were opposed to the acquisition of their land, and during 2007 successfully resisted the government attempts to do so. In response, the CPI-M sent party cadre to harass, rape and murder the peasantry, using their control of government to punish people in Nandigram. This thesis examines the events at Nandigram between June 2006 and May 2008 and investigates the narratives of peasant resistance that emerged in West Bengal. It focuses on three groups of West Bengal society: the peasants of Nandigram, the intellectuals and civil society of West Bengal, and the major political parties of West Bengal. Existing explanations of the events at Nandigram have focused on the role of intellectuals and civil society, and their views have dominated the literature. The existing historiography has argued that land acquisition policies and the subsequent resistance at Nandigram were an effect of neoliberal policies, policies that had been pursued by both the central and state governments in India since the 1990s. Resistance at Nandigram was explained as a broad movement that involved the peasantry and adivasi, but also the civil society groups that opposed neoliberal policies. However, as this thesis demonstrates, the peasantry at Nandigram rarely articulated their resistance as 'against' neoliberalism, and there was little consciousness of the movement challenging neoliberal policies. Rather, it was the local conditions and history of the area that informed their resistance. Amongst intellectuals and civil society, only a minority connected resistance at Nandigram to the wider issue of neoliberalism. The dominant perspective of these groups was that land acquisition policies, and neoliberal reforms in general, were necessary for the development of West Bengal. They criticised the CPI-M only for badly managing the process of land acquisition. The neoliberal consensus extended to the West Bengal political parties, muting serious debate over the economic direction of the state. The discourse of the political parties was limited to allegations of corruption, violence and criminality. Therefore, an investigation of how people in West Bengal viewed the resistance at Nandigram shows that discontent was not generally articulated in opposition to neoliberal polices. Rather, local politics and local issues had a more immediate effect on people's views, focusing discontent on the governance of the CPI-M. This resulted in the resistance at Nandigram evolving into a movement that sought to challenge the continued rule of the CPI-M in West Bengal.</p>

EDUCAÇÃO E RESISTÊNCIA CAMPONESA NA AMAZÔNIA PARAENSE

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.

EDUCAÇÃO DO CAMPO E TERRITÓRIO: uma proposta decolonial a partir de experiências camponesas no Brasil e em Portugal

RURAL EDUCATION AND TERRITORY: a decolonial proposal based on peasant experiences in Brazil and PortugalEDUCACIÓN DEL CAMPO Y TERRITORIO: una propuesta decolonial a partir de experiencias campesinas en Brasil y PortugalRESUMOA Educação do Campo é fundamental à produção e ampliação do território camponês e tem contribuído com a (re)existência dos camponeses na luta contra o agronegócio. Este texto é baseado em duas pesquisas realizadas entre 2016 e 2019, entendidas como epistemologias do Sul que compreendem Educação do Campo, território e campesinato na contemporaneidade. O objetivo do artigo é dar visibilidade ao conhecimento nascido das lutas e experiências de resistência camponesa, ampliando o espectro epistemológico contra o capitalismo, patriarcado e colonialismo. Esta pesquisa qualitativa se fundamenta em teóricos, documentos, vivências e entrevistas com egressos e agentes das territorialidades estudadas. As interculturalidades entre as pedagogias e os territórios da (re)produção da vida dos egressos de duas Casas Familiares Rurais, do Brasil e de Portugal, e do Assentamento Fazenda Annoni, no Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, são creditadas como sociologias decoloniais que validam a união de saberes ancestrais e científicos e constituem o que denominamos território epistemológico camponês.Palavras-chave: Território Epistemológico Camponês; Educação do Campo; Casa Familiar Rural; Assentamento.ABSTRACTRural Education is fundamental to the production and expansion of peasant territory. It has contributed to the (re) existence of peasants in the fight against agribusiness. This text consists of two surveys carried out between 2016 and 2019, understood as epistemologies of the South that comprise Rural Education, territory, and peasantry in contemporary times. The article's objective is to give visibility to the knowledge born from the struggles and experiences of peasant resistance, expanding the epistemological spectrum against capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism. This qualitative research bases itself on theorists, documents, experiences, and interviews with graduates and agents of the studied territorialities. The interculturalities between the pedagogies and the territories of the (re) production of the life of the graduates of two Rural Family Houses, in Brazil and Portugal, and of the Fazenda Annoni Settlement, in the Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, are credited as decolonial sociologies. They validate the union of ancestral and scientific knowledge and constitute what we call peasant epistemological territoryKeywords: Peasant Epistemological Territory; Rural Education; Rural Family House; Settlement.RESUMENLa Educación del campo es fundamental para la producción y expansión del territorio campesino y ha contribuido a la (re) existencia de los campesinos en la lucha contra la agroindustria. Este texto se basa en dos investigaciones realizadas entre 2016 y 2019, entendidas como epistemologías del Sur que comprenden la Educación del Campo, el territorio y el campesinado en la contemporaneidad. El objetivo del artículo es dar visibilidad al conocimiento nacido de las luchas y experiencias de la resistencia campesina, ampliando el espectro epistemológico contra el capitalismo, el patriarcado y el colonialismo. Esta investigación cualitativa se basa en teóricos, documentos, experiencias y entrevistas con egresados y agentes de las territorialidades estudiadas. Las interculturalidades entre las pedagogías y los territorios de la (re) producción de la vida de los egresados de dos Casas Familiares Rurales, de Brasil y Portugal, y del Asentamiento Fazenda Annoni, en Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, son acreditadas como sociologías decoloniales que validan la unión de saberes ancestrales y científicos y constituyen lo que llamamos territorio epistemológico campesino.Palabras clave: Territorio Epistemológico Campesino; Educación Campesina; Casa Familiar Rural; Asentamiento.

The Paradox of Peasants Resistance in Wonogoro Malang South, East Java Indonesia

The resistance of the peasants is inseparable from the social class that is intertwined in it so that this resistance is only a tool of the interests of the actors to secure land. The resistance of Wonogoro farmers in opposing social forestry was due to the redistribution of 2 hectares of land. This study uses a theoretical analysis of class dynamics and agrarian change in rural areas. Seeing the social class of farmers who can mobilize farmers to oppose social forestry based on control over land tenure. This research uses a critical paradigm. The research location is in the Wonogoro area, Malang Regency, East Java, Indonesia. This study used purposive sampling with 20 respondents. The results of the research are the mystification of peasant resistance as shown by the mobilization of proletarian farmers by capital farmers. The mystification of peasants 'resistance shows the disparity of the peasants' social class with land management. Unbalanced land management is due to massive privatization. Unequal land tenure forms the social class of farmers. The capital peasant class by controlling the land can control the proletarian peasants as agricultural laborers. The resistance of farmers against social forestry shows that there is the mobilization of resistance by capital farmers to secure land with a 2-hectare land redistribution scheme.

Kulak Exile on the Territory of the Present-day Krasnoyarsk Territory in Early 1930: Planning and Scale

The topic of Stalin's repressions is relevant both for professional historians and for modern Russian society. Despite the large number of publications on this topic, we believe it is important to continue the study of the problem of repression in the USSR in 1928-1953. In particular, it is necessary to continue studying the kulak exile in the USSR in the early 1930s, in which the movement and eviction of the dispossessed took place. In 1927, the Fifteenth Congress of the CPSU (b) decided to intensify the offensive against the well-to-do strata of the village. The fist was declared a "class enemy". As a result, hundreds of thousands of people were exiled to continue this policy, which had a significant impact on the national and ethnic composition of the population, as well as on the economy of the Soviet Union as a whole and its individual regions. The article deals with the planning and scale of the movement of exiled kulaks to the territory and inside the modern Krasnoyarsk territory in the early 1930s. Finally, it is concluded that as a result of the kulak exile in the districts located on the territory of the modern Krasnoyarsk territory, tens of thousands of people were displaced. Under the pressure of the peasant resistance, as well as in connection with the beginning of the rasputitsa (the seasonal off-road), the resettlement had to be suspended. As a result, the article defines the regional specifics of the scale of resettlement of the dispossessed in the study period in the areas located on the territory of the modern Krasnoyarsk territory.

Peasant Resistance in Burkina Faso's Cotton Sector

This article examines how and why smallholder peasants mobilize for collective action to put forward their claims. Taking the resistance by cotton farmers in Burkina Faso as a case study, it demonstrates that institutions of neoliberal governance – which are presented by their proponents as making governance more “effective” by improving the participation of various public and private stakeholders in different degrees – nevertheless fail to represent the interests of the large population of agrarian poor. In the 2010s, the cotton sector in Burkina Faso became a field of contention, with smallholder cotton producers mobilizing on a massive scale to take collective action. It is argued that the mobilization of cotton farmers can be explained through the effects of the sector's liberalization. Economic liberalization, which has been promoted by the World Bank since the mid-1990s, has changed the institutional setting of the sector and has significantly impacted the ways and means of collective claim-making available to farmers. Building on primary data (qualitative interviews, focus group discussions, observations) collected during several months of field research between 2018 and 2020, and analyses of press reports and a variety of documents, recent protests by cotton farmers are examined and related to these liberalization policies.