scholarly journals BUPATI PEREMPUAN PERTAMA DI LAMPUNG DAN KEGAGALAN CALON PETAHANA PADA PILKADA DI LAMPUNG TIMUR TAHUN 2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Handi Mulyaningsih

In Indonesia, women were elected as governors, regents, mayors and deputy regional head is still small. The same phenomenon occurred in Lampung during the election period of 2005-2014, not a single female candidate was elected as regional head and deputy regional head. New on the elections in 2015 elected two women as East Lampung Regent (Chusnunia Chalim) and Vice Regent of Pesisir Barat (Erlina). The purpose of this study to determine the factors Chusnunia Chalim victory (and a couple Zaiful Bokhari) in local elections in East Lampung district in 2015. Theoretical framework used to explain the modalities of political contestation of the election, assuming that the candidate that wins must have the capital that includes political capital, social capital, and economic capital. This study used a descriptive approach qualitative research informants the winning team mate Chusnunia Chalim and Zaiful Bokhari, Commissioner of the East Lampung Regency, local community leaders, and some leaders of political parties bearers and supporters of the candidate. Discussion of the results showed that women's involvement in political elections and local governments began to seem real. Chusnunia because social capital is consolidated with the political capital of the bearers of political parties (PKB and PD) and the PDI-P supporters of political parties. This victory more dominant factor in social capital and strengthened by the political capital that appears at times the last round of the campaign. Social capital is obtained from the ethnic affiliation of voters with candidates and religious culture of the majority of the population of East Lampung. Meanwhile, the advantage of the element of political capital gained from the failure of incumbent candidates in the voting stage. So that prospective incumbent and its main bearers of political parties, PDI-P, shift support to Chusnunia.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .


Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


Subject The weakness of state and local level institutions is encouraging more intervention from Mexico City. Significance With twelve Mexican states set to go to the polls on June 5, and a thirteenth holding elections on July 3, longstanding concerns regarding the risk of criminal infiltration in local governments have returned to the fore. Beyond the political manipulation of alleged political-criminal links, political actors appear increasingly aware of their vulnerability to threats, intimidation and physical attack. Impacts How federal and local authorities manage criminal threats will be central to the outcome of the forthcoming elections. Candidate screening will be ineffective as long as federal authorities and political parties are both reluctant to lead the process. Politically motivated intervention will worsen, with all parties using criminal accusations to smear or disqualify other candidates.


Author(s):  
Adam Gendźwiłł ◽  
Paweł Swianiewicz

Directly elected mayors were introduced in Poland in 2002 in all local governments at the municipal level. This chapter discusses the rationale behind the reform, the arguments of the proponents of the change, the politics of implementing the reform, as well as actual outcomes. It argues that – opposite to some expectations – the reform has not resulted in increasing citizen interest in local elections. But it has strengthened the position of the mayors in municipal relations, brining Poland very close to the classic strong mayor model, stabilized position of mayors, and stopped the process of the conquest of local governments by national political parties. The increasing frequency of multi-term, long lasting mayors leads to discussion of possible further reforms, reducing the advantage of incumbents. But the system of direct election itself seems to be a very stable element of the local government architecture in Poland – it is not questioned by the current debates by any of important political parties or even by the councillors, whose role was reduced by the 2002 reform.


Author(s):  
Nazrina Zuryani ◽  
Muhammad Ali Azhar ◽  
Tedi Irviantono

In Bali, where political life is largely determined by tradition and the role of Sukarno, the main challenge is to create a cadre system unrelated to mass organizations (gangs), to oligarchy links and to traditional networks (puri/local rulers and Sukarno affiliations). To coin Riswandha Imawan?s words, there is “cadre confusion” in that the existing cadres tend not to hee d the goals of the 1998 Movement: they neglect their working duties, fail to pay taxes and do not care about political education -all things mandatory in a democracy. Aware of these failings, Academics from FISIP Udayana University, later supported by colleagues from Warmadewa University and the University of National Education, and by AIPI Bali and several women NGOs, proposed to set up a center for political parties and local Government, which would work with Udayana University’s revitalized Tax Center (different from the website Imissu at Udayana University information technology service). In the hope of getting support from the political parties cadres, the FISIP Udayana undertook a series of Focus Group Discussions of cadres followed by a survey. But the cadres refused the ?political clinic? proposed by FISIP as part of the project implementation. A new solution is now put forward by the research team: through the IbIKK (Ipteks bagi Inovatif Kreativitas Kampus), the FISIP Udayana simply proposes to revitalize the Tax Center and to Establish a Political Parties and Local Government Studies Center annexed to the Institute for Peace and Democracy/IPD at Udayana University in Denpasar.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-97
Author(s):  
Robert H. Taylor

Factionalism has been a dominant factor in the formation and management of political parties in Myanmar. Since the first elections in 1922 until the most recent in 2015, ideological and programmatic differences, as well as personalities and competition for resources, have encouraged the growth of factionalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Tomáš Hrustič

AbstractThis paper discusses the outcomes of power asymmetries in Slovak municipalities with Roma population and presents examples how local Roma leaders resist the non-Roma dominance by active participation in local elections. Presenting data from field research and long-term repeated observations, the paper shows successful strategies of elected Roma mayors who disrupt the usual perception of the Roma as objects of decision-making process and passive recipients of various policies. In these paternalistic beliefs Roma have never been seen as actors who can control resources, who could hold the political power and who could decide how to use the resources. Although the Roma have penetrated the power structures of many municipalities, they are not able to wipe out invisible ethnic boundaries, or, at least, to soften and disrupt them. However, as the text illustrates, it seems that the political power asymmetries in a significant number of municipalities are being balanced, nevertheless, the symbolic dominance and symbolic power of non-Roma still persists.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Falcó-Gimeno

Political parties differ in the geographic distribution of their support. This article argues that a regionalized distribution of a party’s votes facilitates its participation in government, because it produces a tendency to prioritize demands for locally targeted goods that are more conducive to the negotiation of reciprocal logrolling agreements with potential partners. Using a measure based on the Gini coefficient, I empirically evaluate the extent to which the geographic concentration of votes plays a role in the formation of governments, taking Spanish local elections from 1987 to 2011 as a test bed. With around 500 formation opportunities and 20,000 potential governments, multinomial choice models are estimated (conditional and mixed logits) and a very sizable effect is documented: A one-standard deviation increase in the electoral geographic concentration of the members of a potential government almost doubles the likelihood of its formation. These findings are relevant for students of government formation, regional parties, and political geography.


Obraz ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-97
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Bradov

The purpose of the article is to investigate the diversity of printed political advertising during the 2020 local elections to determine the methods and forms of its socio-communicative impact on the electorate. The source base – printed campaign materials distributed in the Sumy region. The relevance of the chosen theme determines the study of dialogue between candidates, current politicians and voters. Іn the process of research, іt was identified the diversity of printed political advertising during the election campaign, it was found that political advertisements in leaflets, booklets, newsletters, brochures was dominated in this period. The peculiarity of print political advertising is that political parties and their leaders tried to use it to form the communication desired by the political candidates themselves, thus influencing the consciousness, opinion and choice of the electorate.


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