scholarly journals The political geography of government formation: Why regional parties join coalitions

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Falcó-Gimeno
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Test Bed ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Geographic Concentration ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Multinomial Choice

Political parties differ in the geographic distribution of their support. This article argues that a regionalized distribution of a party’s votes facilitates its participation in government, because it produces a tendency to prioritize demands for locally targeted goods that are more conducive to the negotiation of reciprocal logrolling agreements with potential partners. Using a measure based on the Gini coefficient, I empirically evaluate the extent to which the geographic concentration of votes plays a role in the formation of governments, taking Spanish local elections from 1987 to 2011 as a test bed. With around 500 formation opportunities and 20,000 potential governments, multinomial choice models are estimated (conditional and mixed logits) and a very sizable effect is documented: A one-standard deviation increase in the electoral geographic concentration of the members of a potential government almost doubles the likelihood of its formation. These findings are relevant for students of government formation, regional parties, and political geography.

Minimalinvasiv oder wirksam? Debattenbeitrag zur Novellierung des Bundeswahlrechts vom Oktober 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Standard Size ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
System P ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The Way

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .

Independent Candidates and Political Representation in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SACHA KAPOOR ◽  
ARVIND MAGESAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
The Political ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Independent Candidates

We estimate the causal effect of independent candidates on voter turnout and election outcomes in India. To do this, we exploit exogenous changes in the entry deposit candidates pay for their participation in the political process, changes that disproportionately excluded candidates with no affiliation to established political parties. A one standard deviation increase in the number of independent candidates increases voter turnout by more than 6 percentage points, as some voters choose to vote rather than stay home. The vote share of independent candidates increases by more than 10 percentage points, as some existing voters switch who they vote for. Thus, independents allow winning candidates to win with less vote share, decrease the probability of electing a candidate from the governing coalition by about 31 percentage points, and ultimately increase the probability of electing an ethnic-party candidate. Altogether, the results imply that the price of participation by independents is constituency representation in government.

scholarly journals BUPATI PEREMPUAN PERTAMA DI LAMPUNG DAN KEGAGALAN CALON PETAHANA PADA PILKADA DI LAMPUNG TIMUR TAHUN 2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Handi Mulyaningsih
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Dominant Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Female Candidate ◽  
Ethnic Affiliation

In Indonesia, women were elected as governors, regents, mayors and deputy regional head is still small. The same phenomenon occurred in Lampung during the election period of 2005-2014, not a single female candidate was elected as regional head and deputy regional head. New on the elections in 2015 elected two women as East Lampung Regent (Chusnunia Chalim) and Vice Regent of Pesisir Barat (Erlina). The purpose of this study to determine the factors Chusnunia Chalim victory (and a couple Zaiful Bokhari) in local elections in East Lampung district in 2015. Theoretical framework used to explain the modalities of political contestation of the election, assuming that the candidate that wins must have the capital that includes political capital, social capital, and economic capital. This study used a descriptive approach qualitative research informants the winning team mate Chusnunia Chalim and Zaiful Bokhari, Commissioner of the East Lampung Regency, local community leaders, and some leaders of political parties bearers and supporters of the candidate. Discussion of the results showed that women's involvement in political elections and local governments began to seem real. Chusnunia because social capital is consolidated with the political capital of the bearers of political parties (PKB and PD) and the PDI-P supporters of political parties. This victory more dominant factor in social capital and strengthened by the political capital that appears at times the last round of the campaign. Social capital is obtained from the ethnic affiliation of voters with candidates and religious culture of the majority of the population of East Lampung. Meanwhile, the advantage of the element of political capital gained from the failure of incumbent candidates in the voting stage. So that prospective incumbent and its main bearers of political parties, PDI-P, shift support to Chusnunia.

scholarly journals Network content as a factor of information aggression

Obraz ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-97
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Bradov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Advertising ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
Communicative Impact

The purpose of the article is to investigate the diversity of printed political advertising during the 2020 local elections to determine the methods and forms of its socio-communicative impact on the electorate. The source base – printed campaign materials distributed in the Sumy region. The relevance of the chosen theme determines the study of dialogue between candidates, current politicians and voters. Іn the process of research, іt was identified the diversity of printed political advertising during the election campaign, it was found that political advertisements in leaflets, booklets, newsletters, brochures was dominated in this period. The peculiarity of print political advertising is that political parties and their leaders tried to use it to form the communication desired by the political candidates themselves, thus influencing the consciousness, opinion and choice of the electorate.

scholarly journals Analisis Implementasi Calon Perseorangan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Secara Langsung

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The People ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Recruitment System ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah

scholarly journals PERILAKU PEMILIH PEMULA DALAM PILKADA SERENTAK DI Kecamatan Ciomas Kabupaten Serang TAHUN 2015

2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Basuki Rahmat ◽  
Esther Esther
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Rational Thought ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

Act No. 10 of 2008 on general elections to mention that voters are those who are first time to vote and aged 17 years or older or are/have been married have the right to vote in elections (and election).Voters beginners who are just entering the age of suffrage also do not yet have broad political range, todetermine where they should vote. So, sometimes what they choose is not as expected.The reason this is causing voters are very prone to be influenced and approached the materialapproach to the political interests of parties politik. Ketidaktahuan in terms of practical politics,especially with the choices in elections or local elections, voters often do not make rational thought andmore thought­term interests short.New voters are often only used by political parties and politicians to serve political interests, forexample be used for fundraising period and the formation of the party underbow organization.

scholarly journals Regional political parties in the context of the study of the process of nationalization (based on the results of the local elections in 2015)

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-85
Author(s):  
M. M. Shelemba
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Ideological Parties ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article is devoted to the study of the characteristics and typology of regional political parties in Ukraine, the assessment of the connection of the nationalization of the party system of Ukraine, the deviance (non-typology) of electoral behavior of the regions with the development of regional parties in the state by the results of local elections in 2015.In the course of the study, the main scientific approaches to the characterization and typology of regional parties in Ukraine were considered. It has been established that scholars identify the following categories of regional political parties, namely: ideological parties, political parties-projects of prominent personalities, ethnic parties, administrative parties (pro-government political parties). It is proposed to expand existing typology by introducing such categories of regional parties as projects of local elites, regional parties oriented on pro-Russian politics in Ukraine, technical political parties, which are beginning active activities before the elections, helping to ensure passing to local bodies of self-government to certain persons. It was found that regional political parties, based on the results of the local elections in Ukraine in 2015, were two pro-Russian political forces, four parties that focused on supporting the interests of local elites and one ethnic party. It is noted that the support of regional political parties is low. This is confirmed by the results of the electoral vote at the national level. It was noted that against the backdrop of a high level of nationalization of the party system for the period of 2014–2015, calculated on three approaches (the nationalization index was calculated according to the approach of M. Johns and S. Meinwering, G. Holosov and author’s modified approach), these parties did not have significant influence on the electoral picture of the country. It is also determined that since the third author’s modified approach allows to take into account the results of elections to local self-government bodies, it is relevant for the study of regional parties. Therefore, its use is most optimal for similar analytical purposes.Among the factors that had the greatest influence on party nationalization over the period of 2014–2015 were the electoral system, the transformational factors in the socio-political space, the change in the form of government, decentralization (de-volition) associated with the reform of local self-government and the territorial organization of power in Ukraine Accordingly, it has been proved that the latter of these factors has become an important prerequisite for the emergence of new regional political parties at the local elections of 2015.

L'année 1977 pour les immigrés

Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-339
Author(s):  
Michel Taverne ◽  
Albert Martens
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Active Population ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
High Level ◽  
Policy Agreement

Although immigration of foreign workers had practically ceased since 1974, a series of important facts or developments took place in 1977.1. Unemployment increased and maintained itself on a high level. Immigrants, who make up 10 % of the active population, were affected by 14 % of the total unemployment. This percentage has remained constant since 1967. Nevertheless, these figures do not seem to have been noted by the Members of Parliament. They merely intend to propose either sending back all foreign unemployed workers, or simply expelling all working foreigners.2. In 1977, the Foreign Office replaced the former «Foreign Police».  This does not mean, however, that the situation of the immigrants has improved.3. The granting of voting and eligibility rights to immigrants with respect to local elections is an idea which made progress in 1977.  However, the political parties have very different ideas on this. Also, the issue of whether granting such rights does or does not imply a revisionof the Belgian Constitution has still not been solved.4. Previous to 1977, the immigration policy had fallen under the competency of the Ministers of Employment and Labor and of Justice. The recently concluded policy agreement, the Egmont Pact, calls for the regions and communities to play an important role in this matter. So far, this modification has barely been noted by the legislature.

scholarly journals Local Elections, Local Actors And Political Patronage Networks (Understanding Involvement Of Coal Mining Bosses In The Local Elections In South Kalimantan Province

2019 ◽  
pp. 228
Author(s):  
Murdiansyah Herman ◽  
Muhammad Uhaib As’ad
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Coal Mining ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
New Era ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
Local Actors

This article analyses the political drama of the fall Soeharto's government in May 1998, after 32 years in   power, has made a new era of this country democratic life. The fall of the Soeharto’s government which gave  to a new era of democratization has changed of political landscape from the authoritarian system to the transition of democracy.  The democratic transition has had an impact on the almost uncontrollable political dynamics. It also provides an opportunity for central and local political actors to consolidate power and reposition themselves to capture of  power institutions  and democratic institutions through contestation of local elections. In the capitalization   democracy,   political pragmatism structured in democratic behavior has spawned the costly cost of democracy. Therefore, it has become a fact in the current reality of democracy that political actors who occupy the stage of democracy are people who have capital (money) or background as entrepreneurs. The involvement of mine bosses in the local elections in South Kalimantan as sponsors of political fund or as candidats local rulers has spawned a black market of democracy characterized by political concessions and transactions through a network of political patronage. South Kalimantan is known as a coal mining product, mining issues in the local election became political marketing to   build political  patronage networks   among local actors. In the context of open competition in local elections, the issue of political funding becomes the most crucial in the democratic transition. The political brokers will position themselves as shadow government after local election in government and become as a controler  in policy government, especially mining policy. The mine bosses have of  bergaining position in the political landscape and political patronage network to place the people who occupy the position of the local head by   power money and oligarchy of political party. The heads of political parties or political elites in South Kalimantan are majority as  mine bosses. Thus, the existence of political parties has been taken drive by capitalist . The cartelization politiacal parties became clearer in the lead up to the elections in which party institutions had become the arena of conspiracy between party regimes and local ruling candidates or local power.

The Significance of The 2014 Local Elections in Turkey for Decentralisation and Local Autonomy

2016 ◽  
pp. 364-389
Author(s):  
Ugur Sadioglu ◽  
Kadir Dede ◽  
Ali Arda Yüceyılmaz
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Election Process ◽  
City Model ◽  
Election Results

30 March 2014 Local Elections were held in Turkey at the end of an extraordinarily political process and in a highly polarized atmosphere. The election exceeded the limits of the characteristic of “being local” due to such developments recorded in the pre-election period as anti-government social opposition raised against Justice and Development Party (JDP) by Gezi Park protests, tension between judicial and executive organs resulting from the power struggle between the political, social and economic interest groups and corruption investigations opened against the ministers. Ruling JDP Government turned the election into a confidence vote and Turkey entered into the local election process with the new metropolitan model (“Whole City” model). Colorful, vivid and costly election process ended up with a political geography of local election, which should be subjected to new and important analyses. Thus this chapter discusses the issue of local autonomy over pre-election propaganda process, new metropolitan municipality model, election results and political geography analyses.

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