scholarly journals Farmer to Labour: A Study onfarmers descending from agriculture in South Indian State

Author(s):  
Prasanth Kumar Munnangi

Recent trends in agriculture clearly show unprecedented things happing in Indian agriculture. Farming is the primary and largest profession in rural India, where 56% of the rural population depended on it. The socio-economic conditions of farmers apparently have complex linkages with the larger structure and pace of economic conversion. The present study conducted in Warangal District of Telangana State in South India, where multiple castes cultivating and having different landholdings. The present study discusses that, village farmers especially young farmers are moving out of agriculture due to non-favorable conditions in their cultivation process.

Author(s):  
Prasanth Kumar Munnangi

Many of the legislative acts and land reforms to the Dalits (Schedules Castes) in the state and at the center are unable to reduce social inequalities in the rural as well as in urban societies in India. Dalits shares not more than five percentages in the total cultivable land in our country. Dalitsare treated as workforce to their farm fields by the forward castes in India, without their significant workforce Indian agriculture conditions are unimaginable. Land reforms in our country helped Dalits enter into farm fields as owners’ instead of daily wage laborer as great hope to break their socio-economic barriers in the society. The present study carried out in one of the village in Warangal district of Telangana State in South India by using constructivist methodology by adopting in-depth interviews, actors and actions of Dalit farmers in their farming life. Present paper explains how Dalit farmers are facing different issues and problems in various forms at the cultivation process. Not only increase of input cost in the present day agriculture but also facing constraints from the forward castes in the village.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 1580-1605 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL N. MÜNSTER

AbstractThis paper argues that Indian farmers’ suicides may fruitfully be described as public deaths. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the South Indian district of Wayanad (Kerala), it shows that farmers’ suicides become ‘public deaths’ only via the enumerative and statistical practices of the Indian state and their scandalization in the media. The political nature of suicide as public death thus depends entirely on suicide rates and their production by the state itself. But the power of representations complicates the ethnographic critique of statistical knowledge about suicide. In a context like Wayanad, which had been declared a suicide-prone district by the Indian state, public representations of suicides have taken on a life of their own; statistical categories and the media interpretations of these statistics have had a curious feedback—mediated by development encounters—onto the situated meanings of individual suicides. Local interpretations of individual suicides mostly commented on personal failures of the suicide and on the perils of speculative smallholder agriculture. Ethnography of farmers’ suicide based on case studies alone, however, would soon encounter limitations equally grave as the limitations of statistical analysis. Not only is the meaning of suicide (intentions, causes, motives) at the actor level off limits for ethnography, but in addition to that the (public) meaning of suicide is co-determined by state practice including statistical accounting.


1996 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-880 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip B. Wagoner

When Robert Sewell inaugurated the modern study of the South Indian state of Vijayanagara with his classic A Forgotten Empire (1900), he characterized the state as “a Hindu bulwark against Muhammadan conquests” (Sewell [1900] 1962, 1), thereby formulating one of the enduring axioms of Vijayanagara historiography. From their capital on the banks of the Tungabhadra river, the kings of Vijayanagara ruled over a territory of more than 140,000 square miles, and their state survived three changes of dynasty to endure for a period of nearly three hundred years, from the mid-fourteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries (Stein 1989, 1–2). According to Sewell, this achievement was to be understood as “the natural result of the persistent efforts made by the Muhammadans to conquer all India” ([1900] 1962, 1). Hindu kingdoms had exercised hegemony over South India for most of the previous millennium, but were divided among themselves when the Muslim forces of Muhammad bin Tughluq swept over the South in the early decades of the fourteenth century: “When these dreaded invaders reached the Krishna River the Hindus to their south, stricken with terror, combined, and gathered in haste to the new standard [of Vijayanagara] which alone seemed to offer some hope of protection. The decayed old states crumbled away into nothingness, and the fighting kings of Vijayanagar became the saviours of the south for two and a half centuries” (Sewell [1900] 1962, 1).


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID WASHBROOK

Readers in the historiography of colonial south India have every reason to feel puzzled by the answers available to even the most straightforward of questions. Was the colonial conquest achieved through the imposition of ‘superior’ European arms, technology and ideology or was it more in the nature of an internal subversion of the pre-existing Indian state system? Did British rule fundamentally alter the structures of South Indian society or did it rest lightly on top of pre-existing structures and serve to sustain established elites? Did it undermine the hold of ‘indigenous’ cultures on society or did it merely scratch their surface or even did it promote their revival?


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Muenster

This article explores how 'Zero Budget Natural Farming', an Indian natural farming movement centered on its founder and guru Subhash Palekar, enacts alternative agrarian worlds through the dual practices of critique and recuperation. Based on fieldwork among practitioners in the South Indian state of Kerala and on participation in teaching events held by Palekar, I describe the movement's critique of the agronomic mainstream (state extension services, agricultural universities, and scientists) and their recuperative practices of restoring small-scale cultivation based on Indian agroecological principles and biologies. Their critique combines familiar political-ecological arguments against productionism, and the injustices of the global food regime, with Hindu nationalist tropes highlighting Western conspiracies and corrupt science. For their recuperative work, these natural farmers draw, on one hand, on travelling agroecological technologies (fermentation, spacing, mulching, cow based farming) and current 'probiotic', microbiological, and symbiotic understandings of soil and agriculture. On the other hand, they use Hindu nativist tropes, insisting on the exceptional properties of agrarian species native to, and belonging to India. I use the idea of ontological politics to describe the movement's performances as enacting an alternative rural world, in which humans, other-than-human animals, plants, mycorrhizae, and microbes are doing agriculture together.Keywords: agricultural anthropology; alternative agricultures; naturecultures; critique; ontological politics; small-scale cultivators; India; Kerala; Subhash Palekar


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Anil Kumar ◽  
Saibel Farishta ◽  
G Baiju ◽  
VK Taneja ◽  
RC Minocha ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT The present study was undertaken to assess the skeletal craniofacial asymmetry in South Indian population by a posteroanterior cephalometric radiographic method. The skeletal craniofacial structures on one side of the face were compared with that of the other, by drawing various triangles representing different craniofacial regions. The sample consisted of 60 subjects (30 males and 30 females) aged between 18 to 25 years, who were mainly dental college students from South India. Overall 52 X-rays were obtained, with four errors each in the male and the female groups. The results revealed that the total facial structures in the South Indian population were larger on the left side (statistically insignificant). The cranial base area exhibited a greater degree of asymmetry than any other component area of the face, which might be due to the inaccuracy at the condylar point. How to cite this article Taneja VK, Kumar GA, Farishta S, Minocha RC, Baiju G, Gopal D. An Assessment of Skeletal Craniofacial Asymmetry in South Indian Population. J Contemp Dent Pract 2012;13(1):80-84.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohan Kumar Papanna ◽  
Basilea Watson ◽  
Radhamani MP ◽  
Soumya S. Swaminathan ◽  
Manjula Datta ◽  
...  

2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Lindberg

The main concern of this paper is the issue of women workers' identity and class consciousness. This investigation is principally based on in-depth interviews with three generations of female factory workers. Extremely unequal power relations between capital and labour is insufficient to explain the more pronounced exploitation of female workers over males. In spite of these women having the potential for collective power, their factory lives have been characterized by treatment in constant violation of labour laws. Low-caste female workers have gone through a process of effeminization which has acted to curb their class identity and limit their scope of action. In the process of caste and class emancipation, the question of gender has been neglected by trade union leaders and politicians. The radicalism of males is built upon women's maintaining of the families – a reality which strongly contradicts hegemonic gender discourses and confuses gender identities.


Focaal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (86) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Jayaseelan Raj

AbstractThe recent crisis in the tea industry has devastated the livelihood of the Dalit workforce in the South Indian state of Kerala. Retired workers were worst affected, since the plantation companies—under the disguise of the crisis—deferred their service payout. This article seeks to understand the severe alienation of the retirees as they struggle to regain lost respect, kinship network, and everyday sociality in the plantations and beyond. I argue that the alienation produced through their dispossession as wage laborers and the discrimination as Tamil-speaking Dalit must be understood as an interrelated process, whereas the source of alienation cannot be reduced to production or categorical relations alone.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajendra Kumar ◽  
Michael L Best

In a study of social diffusion of telecenter use in rural south India, we find that these centers are being used only by a relatively small proportion of the village households despite their having been in operation for well over a year. Based on a survey of the telecenter users, we find that these users are, in general, young, male, school or college students, relatively more educated, belong to relatively higher income households, and come from socially and economically advanced communities. Thus the telecenters may sustain existing socioeconomic inequalities within these communities. However, we find some significant exceptions. We find that location of telecenters close to the residential localities where socially and economically backward communities live and presence of local champions within those communities are associated with attracting more users from those communities. We also find that providing localized content and services and making these services more affordable are other important factors in increasing usage and diffusion. We posit that incorporating these factors in the planning, spatial location, and operation of the telecenters can significantly improve their social diffusion and improve their long-term financial and social sustainability.


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