scholarly journals Higher Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Retail Prices After Excise Taxes in Oakland and San Francisco

2020 ◽  
Vol 110 (7) ◽  
pp. 1017-1023 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Falbe ◽  
Matthew M. Lee ◽  
Scott Kaplan ◽  
Nadia A. Rojas ◽  
Alberto M. Ortega Hinojosa ◽  
...  

Objectives. To examine how much sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) excise taxes increased SSB retail prices in Oakland and San Francisco, California. Methods. We collected pretax (April–May 2017) and posttax (April–May 2018) retail prices of SSBs and non-SSBs from 155 stores in Oakland, San Francisco, and comparison cities. We analyzed data using difference-in-differences high-dimensional fixed-effects regressions, weighted by regional beverage sales. Results. Across all beverage sizes, the weighted average price of SSBs increased by 0.92 cents per ounce (95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.28, 1.56) in Oakland and 1.00 cents per ounce (95% CI = 0.35, 1.65) in San Francisco, compared with prices in untaxed cities. The tax did not significantly alter prices of water, 100% juice, or milk of any size examined. Diet soda only, among non-SSBs, exhibited a higher price increase for some sizes in taxed cities. Conclusions. Within 4 to 10 months of implementation, Oakland’s and San Francisco’s SSB excise taxes significantly increased SSB retail prices by approximately the amount of the taxes, a key mechanism for reducing consumption.

2016 ◽  
Vol 146 (12) ◽  
pp. 2544-2550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiantao Ma ◽  
Paul F Jacques ◽  
James B Meigs ◽  
Caroline S Fox ◽  
Gail T Rogers ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  

Sugar-sweetened beverage excise taxes are an effective evidence-based noncommunicable diseases (NCD) prevention policy. Along with tobacco and alcohol excise taxes, they are a tool to attain the Sustainable Development Goals, and are recommended by the World Health Organization to modify behavioral risk factors associated with obesity and NCDs, as featured in the WHO Global Action Plan. Taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages have been described as a triple win for governments, because they 1) improve population health, 2) generate revenue, and 3) have the potential to reduce long-term associated healthcare costs and productivity losses. Taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages has been implemented in more than 73 countries worldwide. In the Region of the Americas, 21 PAHO/WHO Member States apply national-level excise taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages and seven jurisdictions apply local sugar-sweetened beverage taxes in the United States of America. While the number of countries applying national excise taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in the Region is promising, most of these taxes could be further leveraged to improve their impact on sugar-sweetened beverages consumption and health. This publication provides economic concepts related to the economic rationale for using sugar-sweetened beverage taxes and the costs associated with obesity; key considerations on tax design including tax types, bases, and rates; an overview of potential tax revenue and earmarking; evidence on the extent to which these taxes are expected to impact prices of taxed beverages, the demand for taxed beverages, and substitution to untaxed beverages; and responses to frequent questions about the economic impacts of sugar-sweetened beverage taxation. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiantao Ma ◽  
Caroline S. Fox ◽  
Paul F. Jacques ◽  
Elizabeth K. Speliotes ◽  
Udo Hoffmann ◽  
...  

Nutrients ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 3428
Author(s):  
Darlene Acero ◽  
Jamie M. Zoellner ◽  
Brenda M. Davy ◽  
Valisa E. Hedrick

Data are lacking on whether non-nutritive sweeteners (NNS) can be used as a strategy to support decreases in sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) consumption. The purpose of this secondary analysis of a 6-month SSB-reduction intervention was to explore changes in NNS consumption patterns in Talking Health participants within the SIPsmartER (n = 101) intervention. Additionally, participant characteristics were compared for three SSB-NNS change groups (decrease SSB/increase NNS; decrease SSB/no increase in NNS; increase/no change in SSB/regardless of NNS). There was a significant increase in aspartame and total NNS intake for participants (mean daily mg increases of 37.2 ± 13.9 and 63.7 ± 18.5, respectively). With the exception of sex, no differences in participant characteristics were found between the three SSB-NNS change groups. Furthermore, no significant changes in weight or body mass index (BMI) were demonstrated between SSB-NNS change groups over time. Diet soda was the most commonly consumed source of NNS; however, other dietary sources of NNS also contributed to intake. At 6 months, intake of sucralose and saccharin were primarily from dietary sources other than diet sodas (94% and 100%, respectively). These findings suggest that NNS may be a feasible strategy to help reduce SSB consumption. This study supports the need to consistently quantify and identify NNS intake, beyond using diet soda intake as a proxy for NNS intake and grouping all NNS types into one variable, to more accurately address the potential health effects of NNS.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. e0252094
Author(s):  
Samantha Marinello ◽  
Julien Leider ◽  
Lisa M. Powell

Introduction Sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes have been implemented worldwide to raise revenue and reduce consumption of SSBs, which is associated with health harms. Empirical evaluations have found that these taxes are successful at reducing demand for SSBs; however, SSB taxes face opposition, in part because of claims that they will lead to substantial job losses. The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of the San Francisco SSB tax, implemented on January 1st, 2018, on employment. Methods Monthly employment counts were obtained from the Bureau of Labor Statistics from January 2013 (5-years pre-tax) through December 2019 (2-years post-tax) for the overall economy, private sector, supermarkets and other grocery stores, convenience stores, limited-service restaurants, and beverage manufacturing. A synthetic control analysis was conducted for each employment outcome. The synthetic controls (i.e., estimated counterfactuals) were generated from a pool of urban control counties using pre-tax labor market-related characteristics. Results The synthetic controls had similar labor market-related characteristics and employment outcomes to those in San Francisco in the pre-tax period. Up to 2 years post-tax, differences in employment between San Francisco and the synthetic controls were small and not “statistically significant” based on placebo tests for all employment outcomes. Conclusions Up to two years post-tax, we do not find evidence that the San Francisco SSB tax negatively impacted net employment, employment in the private sector, or employment in specific SSB-related industries.


Author(s):  
Emily A. Altman ◽  
Kristine A. Madsen ◽  
Laura A. Schmidt

Despite a growing body of evidence showing that sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes nudge consumers away from SSBs, we lack an understanding of people’s awareness and perceptions of SSB taxes and whether tax awareness and perceptions differ based on sociodemographic characteristics. We used serial cross-sectional study intercept surveys (n = 2715) in demographically diverse neighborhoods of Berkeley and Oakland in 2015 and 2017, and San Francisco and Richmond in 2017. In the year following successful SSB tax ballot measures, 45% of respondents correctly recalled that an SSB tax had passed in their city. In untaxed cities, 14% of respondents incorrectly thought that a tax had passed. Perceived benefits of SSB taxes to the community and to children’s health were moderate and, like correct recall of an SSB tax, were higher among respondents with higher education levels. Awareness of SSB taxes was low overall, and perceptions about taxes’ benefits varied by educational attainment, reflecting a missed opportunity to educate citizens about how SSB taxes work and their importance. Public health efforts should invest in campaigns that explain the benefits of SSB taxes and provide information about how tax revenues will be invested, both before and after a tax proposal has passed.


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