scholarly journals Women in the Public Sphere and Religious Discourse Interpretation in the Post-Conflict Aceh

MAZAHIB ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Husni Mubarrak ◽  
Faisal Yahya

This article aims to discuss women and their access to the public sphere after a long term of the last three decades of armed conflict in Aceh. As many occurred in the other most conflict regions, women are mostly victims of any regime policies, either in political or economic access. This article would like to elaborate more on how women's position perceived within Acehnese society in the post-conflict Aceh since 2005? Furthermore, how are religious doctrines being interpreted regarding women’s issues in the post-conflict Aceh? By combining literature reviews and interviews as the primary source of data collection, this article argues that the long army conflict in Aceh and unfortunate Aceh's current political context are the leading cause of women's position degradation in Aceh and not because of the religious interpretation contestation. Thus, even though the formal sharia implementation has taken place in Aceh since 2002, male political domination and contestation have influenced women's position degradation in contemporary Aceh's public sphere.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 106-128
Author(s):  
Ruth Hemstad

“The campaign with ink instead of blood”: Manuscripts, print and the war of opinion in the Scandinavian public sphere, 1801–1814Handwritten pamphlets circulated to a high extend as part of the war of opinion which went on in the Norwegian-Swedish borderland around 1814. This ‘campaign with ink instead of blood’, as Danish writers soon characterized this detested activity, was a vital part of the Swedish policy of conquering Norway from Denmark through the means of propaganda. This ‘secret war of opinion’, as it was described in 1803, culminated around 1814, when Sweden accomplished its long-term goal of forming a union with Norway. In this article I am concerned with the role and scope of handwritten letters, actively distributed as pamphlets as part of the Swedish monitoring activities in the borderland, especially in the period 1812 to 1813. These manuscripts were integrated parts of the manifold of publications circulating within a common, although conflict oriented Scandinavian public sphere in the making at this time. The duplication and distribution of handwritten pamphlets, and the interaction with printed material, as Danish counter pamphlets quoting and discussing these manuscripts, illustrates that manuscripts remained important at the beginning of the nineteenth century. They coexisted and interacted with printed material of different kinds, and have to be taken into consideration when studying the public sphere and the print culture in this period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 519-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Ketola

Conceptualizations of post-conflict agency have been widely debated in feminist security studies and critical international relations studies. This article distinguishes between three feminist approaches to post-conflict agency: narrative of return, representations of agency and local agency. It argues that all these approaches in distinct ways emphasize a modality of agency as resistance. To offer a more encompassing account of post-conflict agency the article engages Saba Mahmood’s (2012) critique of the modality of agency in feminist theory and her decoupling of agency from resistance. The article explores experiences of women who fought in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Nepal. It focuses on ‘withdrawing from politics’, a dynamic whereby women ex-fighters move away from party activities and the public sphere, and rearticulates this withdrawing as a location of political agency. The article argues that being an ‘ex-PLA’ emerges as a form of subjectivity that is crafted through experiencing war and encountering peacebuilding, enabling a production of heterogeneous modalities of agency in the post-conflict context. By examining these modalities, the article challenges us to rethink post-conflict agency beyond the capacity to subvert regulatory gender norms and/or discourses of liberal peace.


This book addresses the role of media, particularly periodicals, in the American women’s suffrage movement, and in public understandings of the campaign for a Constitutional amendment enfranchising women. Chapters deal with the rhetoric of pro- and antisuffrage activists as covered in the mainstream regional and national press; several chapters deal with suffragists’ own periodicals, as well as with other non-mainstream periodicals, including the black press and socialist and radical periodicals. These new studies offer fresh perspectives on relatively familiar suffrage narratives while exploring lesser-known aspects of the roles of journalism, publicity, visual communication, and external alliances with organizations and individuals. Taken collectively, the chapters clarify intersections of suffrage ideas with other social and political movements as well as differences by geography and culture. The essays are marked by attention to the movement’s long-term implications; to contemporary concepts such as social movement and countermovement strategies, status conflict, and the public sphere; and by sensitivity to race, class, and regional politics. As the historiography offered here makes clear, these issues were largely ignored in the first wave of suffrage research.


2016 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Shalin Hai-Jew

Vengeance. Payback. Retribution. Just deserts. Evening up the score. Punishment. If there is an ever-replicating and recurring Internet meme, it is one of revenge. Intimate photos are shared online post-relationship and end up picked up by for-profit pornographic websites. Privy information is leaked into private (narrow-cast) or semi-public or public spaces (broadcast) with massive amplifications of messages into the public sphere. Violent attacks and beat-downs are videotaped and shared on video sharing sites. Flash or cyber mobs are brought together to clean-out stores and to exact vengeance on particular businesses. Information and Communication Technology (ICT), with its nexus of pseudo-anonymity, fast dissemination of information, long-term persistence of data, and mass reach, provides multiple affordances for the exacting of vengeance. The popular culture of anonymous hacktivism and cyber-vigilantism further contribute to the sense of the Internet as an ungoverned and extralegal place. Finally, a general imprudence has meant the easy activation of Internet mobs and individuals to harm-causing rumor-sharing and behavior against others—sparked by doubtful claims or loose storytelling. ICT has enabled the spillover of real-world antipathies and dark emotions into virtual spaces, which then slosh back into the real world. This chapter examines the research in the area of vengeance and how such very human impetuses manifest online. Further, this chapter examines the design features of various ICT platforms and socio-technical spaces that may support vengeance-based communications and actions and proposes ways to mitigate some of these dark affordances.


Author(s):  
Poulami Roychowdhury

Chapter 11 analyzes the costs and benefits of women’s “capability.” On the one hand, women who tried to be “capable” became empowered in concrete ways. They gained self-confidence, feeling psychologically better than they had after experiencing abuse. Some of them experienced important forms of social mobility, acquiring stable jobs and respect from friends and neighbors. Some became members of the public sphere, able to navigate government offices, occupy public space, and lead their own organizational efforts. On the other hand, by trying to be “capable,” women also experienced real uncertainty and risks. They became overworked, overwhelmed, lonely, and physically endangered. Trying to be capable had long-term negative effects on women’s health, mental stability, and, for some, the very desire to survive.


Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima ◽  
Caio Gonçalves Dias

Abstract In this article we argue that, in order to understand the “attack” made on anthropology in Brazil, undertaken in the public sphere since the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, we need to look at how anthropological knowledge has become disciplined and institutionalized in the medium to long term. We refer, in particular, to the relationship between what has been constituted as a “field of anthropology” and issues related to the public sphere. It is also necessary to consider the configuration with other institutionalized knowledge throughout the period spanning from the end of the nineteenth century to the present, with discontinuities but also with some important continuities. We look to show that the anthropology initially undertaken in Brazil was basically committed to furthering the interests of the agrarian-based political elites, a situation that continued from the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth century and into the first decades of the twenty-first, not only at the level of nation building, but also in the formation of the State. However, since the 1950s, and especially following creation of the new postgraduate courses in the late 1960s and early 1970s, anthropologists developed knowledge that led them to make an ethical and moral commitment to the communities with which they worked, combined with a critique of the military regime’s developmentalism and dictatorial authoritarianism. During a third moment ranging from the constituent process to the present, a portion of Brazilian anthropologists began to work directly in the recognition of rights constitutionally assigned to differentiated collectivities, generating a growing and progressive zone of friction with the hegemonic sectors at the economic-political level.


LOGOS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Leo Agung Srie Gunawan ◽  
Nathanio Chris Maranatha Bangun

Today, the role of religions still exists in the public sphere. Habermas sees that religious citizens tend to give their aspirations in the public sphere in a destructive way. As a result, A religion is considered the cause of crime. Actually, It has a various positive benefits to be brought into the public sphere. Therefore, they can convey aspirations in a more appropriate way, namely through a religious discourse. The religious discourse is an act of discourse, that is a discussion with arguments to reach a rational consensus of the best arguments, in the realm of religion. It involves the religious, the secular, and the citizens. It also faces several challenges such as religious fundamentalism, religious privatization, and political religiofication, but it is very relevant to Indonesia, which has many religions and belief streams. Particularly, it is important to see how the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia in order to should be realized.


Author(s):  
Livnat Holtzman

Anthropomorphism in Islam presents a range of issues that encompass the problematics of aḥādīth al-ṣifāt. The book focuses on aḥādīth al-ṣifāt as popular oral literature; the use of aḥādīth al-ṣifāt in the traditionalistic discourse; and aḥādīth al-ṣifāt as iconic texts in the public sphere. These issues form the demarcation lines between ultra-traditionalism, middle-of-the-road traditionalism, and traditional-rationalism. The major findings of Anthropomorphism in Islam are as follows: first, the ultra-traditionalists were more receptive to aḥādīth al-ṣifāt than other middle-of-the-road muḥaddithūn. Second, the ultra-traditionalists were more attentive to the social function that aḥādīth al-ṣifāt served in offering the masses an Islamic religiosity which provided a direct way to perceive God without the interference of mediators. Third, the ultra-traditionalists structured the iconicity of aḥādīth al-ṣifāt by perfecting their skills as performers. Accordingly, Anthropomorphism in Islam offered the first large-scale examination of gestures that were part of the process of transmitting aḥādīth al-ṣifāṭ. These gestures symbolised the main features of the long-term debate between the flexible Hanbalites and the rigid Ashʿarites. Aḥādīth al-ṣifāt and the gestures that accompanied their recitation were among the most powerful icons of Islamic traditionalism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah E Hamill

The Canadian jurisprudence on freedom of religion has tended to focus on the accommodation of religious practices rather than exploring the constitutionality of judicial reliance on religious-based reasoning. A recent article by Diana Ginn and David Blaikie seeks to argue that, in certain circumstances and under certain conditions, it would be acceptable for judges to rely on religious-based reasons in their judgments.  Ginn and Blaikie see their recent article as being a continuation of sorts to their earlier piece, "Religious Discourse in the Public Square." While I found their earlier piece to be a persuasive defence of the use of religious-based reasoning in the public sphere, I have serious doubts over the constitutionality and applicability of their argument with regard to judges. It is the purpose of this paper to refute Ginn and Blaikie’s argument and to show that, in Canada, the use of religious-based reasons by judges is likely precluded by decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada. 


2005 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 43-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeynep Gambetti

“In the East, understanding is a surreptitious shroud.”Kemal Varol“Men come into existence through their struggles”This study aims to contribute to efforts to understand how redress occurs in local contexts impaired by armed conflict. Its particular focus is on events, dynamics and forms of relationality that (re)create public spheres on a local level. It takes the city of Diyarbakır, the largest in Southeastern Turkey, as the vantage point from which to explore the transformation of a site of violent conflict into a space for the expression of differences that were either nonexistent or suppressed. Since the beginning of the armed uprising of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in 1984, the majority of political actors in Diyarbakır have in effect been polarized into two antagonistic camps (the Turkish state vs. the PKK). With the end of armed conflict five years ago, Diyarbakır has been astoundingly transformed into a paradise for civil society activists. The dynamics through which new urban spaces of existence and of expression have been created have not ceased being conflictual. In exploring the formative function of micro and macro struggles on publicness, the theoretical intent of this study is to argue against the Habermasian conceptualization of the public sphere.


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