scholarly journals First Impressions: Anglo Travelers and the Origins of El Paso, Texas, 1846-1852

Author(s):  
Mark Cioc-Ortega

El Paso del Norte was a thriving agricultural region on the Santa Fe-Chihuahua trail when the U.S.-Mexico War (1846-1848) and the 1849 gold rush turned it into a border town on the southern route to California. The diaries and letters of the Anglo-American soldiers, engineers, and gold seekers who passed through the area in the 1840s and 1850s document the emergence of a new political and economic landscape that helped define the pattern of Anglo-Mexican relations in the new town of El Paso, Texas (across the Rio Grande from El Paso del Norte), well into the next century.

Author(s):  
T. Andreeva

The article covers the role the Great Britain has played as a fourth independent political actor of international relations, along with the U.S., EU and NATO, in the political crisis in Ukraine from its very beginning (2014), and in finding quick and effective ways of solving it. The article also explores the worsening of the bilateral relationship between UK and Russia under the influence of the 2014–2015 Ukrainian crisis, in a wide context of antagonism between the U.S. and Russia. There are several factors introduced in the article which hampered the crisis from the start and which still can be used to improve the bilateral relations in the nearest future. The author scrutinizes the evolution of the Britain's stance on the Ukrainian upheaval at the beginning of 2014, the Crimea annexation/joining perceived as a violation of the international law, Russia's interference in the conflict in the Eastern territories of Ukraine, and the imposing of sever EU and U.S. sanctions against Russia. The article highlights the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on the strengthening of Anglo-American “special relations” and on the revival of the NATO strategic role as a tool to confront Russia not only in this conflict, but also on the world stage. The author tries to assess the scope of damage for the UK–Russia relationship made by the Ukrainian crisis and answer the questions: where has British participation in this crisis boosted the Great Britain's world standing, when can the UK–Russia relations become better again, and what can help improve the relationship between two countries?


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-95
Author(s):  
Carolina López Díaz ◽  
Andrea María Perozo
Keyword(s):  
El Paso ◽  

El presente articulo da cuenta del trabajo de grado en la modalidad de pasantía desarrollado; por las estudiantes Carolina López Díaz y Andrea María Perozo bajo la dirección de la docente Martha Torres de Tovar, como requisito para optar por el título de Terapeutas Ocupacionales. Este, es un intento por acercar el conocimiento profesional fundamentado en el contexto, el hombre, la ocupación y el desempeño ocupacional al campo de la orientación ocupacional-profesional en el sector educativo, con el propósito de construir una instancia que fortalezca la escolaridad de secundaria en términos de la ocupación de estudiantes del grado décimo y facilite el paso al medio laboral a través de la elección acertada de una profesión.


2006 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Kozel ◽  
Anne P. Hubbell ◽  
James Dearing ◽  
William M. Kane ◽  
Sharon Thompson ◽  
...  

Policy makers take action largely on issues that attain the pinnacle of the policy agenda (Pertschuck, 2001). As a result, how decision makers choose which issues are important has been the subject of much research. Agenda-setting conceptualizes the process of how issues move from relative unimportance to the forefront of policymakers’ thoughts (Dearing & Rogers, 1996). An area within agenda-setting research, Health Promotion Agenda-Setting, provides Health Promotion practitioners with an innovative framework and strategy to set agendas for sustained courses of action (Kozel, Kane, Rogers, & Hammes, 1995). In this interdisciplinary and bi-national exploratory study, funded by the Center for Border Health Research of the Paso del Norte Health Foundation, we examine agenda-setting processes in the Paso del Norte Region and evaluates how the public health agenda is determined within the U.S.-Mexico border population. Integrating both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods, the current research is focused on identifying deficiencies in the public health infrastructure in the U.S.-Mexico border area, and identifying channels that exist for working toward the bi-national goals presented in Healthy Border 2010 (U.S.-Mexico Border Health Commission, 2003). Research directions, design, and methodologies for exploring health promotion agenda-setting in applied settings, such as Healthy Border 2010, provide health practitioners and policy makers the potential to improve public health leadership by influencing the public health and policy agendas.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the Free Officers' relations with Britain and the United States, particularly in light of the Anglo-Egyptian negotiations regarding the withdrawal of British troops from the Suez Canal Zone. In the aftermath of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) trained its sights on an evacuation agreement with the British. Both Washington and London felt that the officers shared common strategic and objective aims with the West. The chapter first considers the extent and nature of U.S. and British roles in the consolidation of military rule in Egypt before discussing the Anglo-Egyptian relations in the context of Anglo-American alliance politics. It also explores the question of the presence of British troops in the Suez Canal Zone, along with the U.S. and British response to the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Finally, it looks at the signing of the Suez accord between Egypt and Britain in October 1954.


Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood

As the United States moves toward a majority-minority country, candidates for public office must increasingly make appeals to voters from a range of racial and ethnic backgrounds. In 2008, Barack Obama did this to maximum effect with white voters across the U.S. Most recently, in 2018, Beto O’Rourke nearly became the first Democratic senator from Texas since the 1990s. O’Rourke, who grew up in El Paso, speaks Spanish and is extremely knowledgeable about border issues and immigration policy more generally, which translated into strong support and turnout among Latino voters. In Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America: When and How Cross-Racial Electoral Mobilization Works, Loren Collingwood examines the specific case of how and when white/Anglo candidates mobilize Latino voters, and why some candidates are successful whereas others are not. Drawing on extensive data collection, statistical analysis, and archival evidence, Collingwood traces the development of cross-racial mobilization across the U.S. South and the Southwest since the 1940s. Extensive cross-racial mobilization is most likely to occur when elections are competitive, institutional barriers to the vote are low, candidates have previously developed a welcoming racial reputation with target voters, whites’ attitudes are racially liberal, and the Latino electorate is large and growing. Collingwood convincingly argues—and empirically demonstrates—that to maximize the vote across the racial aisle, white/Anglo candidates must develop minority-group cultural competence and group-specific policy expertise. With these qualities, and maximum efforts at cross-racial mobilization, non-co-ethnic candidates can begin to approach the electoral benefits previously thought only accrued to co-ethnic candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto Castañeda ◽  
Casey Chiappetta

Research has continued to show the overall safety of the U.S. border region contrary to the widespread belief about the insecurity of the U.S.-Mexico border and frequent claims for the need to secure the border in order to prevent the spread of violence into the rest of the country. Rarely do we ask how border residents feel about safety and crime, which could shed significant light on the claims that the border is an insecure warzone posing a threat to the entire country. While calls to secure national borders are common, outsiders’ perceptions of an unsafe border are not supported by official crime rates and statistics, Border Patrol apprehensions, or the everyday experiences of people in American cities along the U.S.-Mexico border. This paper investigates the perception of crime and security, as expressed by the residents of El Paso, Texas, a large city located along the U.S.-Mexico border and directly across from Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. Data come from a National Institutes of Health (NIH) funded survey that asked 919 residents about their perceptions of crime, sense of security and safety in their neighborhood and the city in general. The results show that the overwhelming majority of border city residents feel safe and that those who are undocumented and raised in El Paso are the most likely to report feeling safe or very safe. We also find that the foreign-born population had a statistically significant lower felony conviction rate than those who were U.S.-born, an important qualifier in discussions over immigration and its connection with violence and crime. Contrary to sensationalized claims about border violence, residents of El Paso do not display any of the sense of insecurity experienced in neighboring Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. We present hypotheses about possible causes for these low levels of violence in the U.S.-side of the border and discuss the dissonance between the reality on the border and perception outside of the border region.


1997 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 775-801 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin H. O'Rourke

The article quantifies the impact of cheap grain on the European economy in the late nineteenth century. Falling transport costs led to dramatic declines in Anglo-American grain price gaps, but price convergence was less impressive between the U.S. and other European economies, and within Europe. Cheaper grain meant lower rents throughout Europe, and protection boosted rents, but the magnitudes involved differed between countries. Similarly, cheap grain increased real wages in Britain, but lowered them elsewhere. The grain invasion implied different shocks across countries, and this partly explains the varying trade policies pursued in Europe during this period.


Author(s):  
JoAnna Poblete

This chapter examines the Philippines's authority over labor complaints in Hawaiʻi, with particular emphasis on the position of resident labor commissioner that Filipino U.S. colonials in Hawaiʻi lobbied for and acquired in 1923. It first provides an overview of the U.S. government's Filipinization policy in 1913 before turning to early Philippine labor mediators. It then considers the creation of a permanent worker representative in the islands through the Philippine legislature. It also looks at the appointment of Cayetano Ligot as the first Philippine labor commissioner and the movement launched by Filipinos in Hawaiʻi to remove him from office. It shows that Ligot created more problems than solutions for Filipino laborers in Hawaiʻi, and that the Filipinization of the intra-colonial labor complaint process in the Pacific did not result in improved conditions for the average Filipino. Despite the collaboration between Philippine and Anglo-American leaders, Filipino intra-colonials in Hawaiʻi found ways to express their own desires and free will.


1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 466-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scarlett G. Hardesty ◽  
Malcolm D. Holmes ◽  
James D. Williams

This study examines the effects of economic segmentation on worker earnings in El Paso, Texas, a city that is a major enclave on the U.S.-Mexico border. The investigation relies on the dual economy model, which maintains that the U.S. economy is divided into a monopoly and a competitive sector. This distinction is thought to be related to worker remuneration, with poorly paying jobs found primarily in the competitive sector. It is hypothesized that females and minority males are disproportionately located in the competitive sector and, therefore, that their income is negatively influenced. These hypotheses were tested using the 1980 U.S. Census Public Use Microdata file for the El Paso SMSA. In contrast to the dominant hypothesis this research found that women, particularly those of Mexican origin, were disproportionately located in the monopoly sector. However, women gained considerably less by virtue of monopoly sector employment than did males, especially those of Anglo origin. Generally the findings are consistent with the possibility that large monopoly sector firms strategically locate labor-intensive divisions in El Paso (and similar areas) because of the large supply of unskilled minority labor.


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