Barriers To Sexual And Reproductive Care Among Cisgender, Heterosexual And LGBTQIA+ Adolescents In The Border Region: Provider And Adolescent Perspectives.

Author(s):  
Randolph D. Hubach ◽  
Rebecca Zipfel ◽  
Fatima A Muñoz ◽  
Ilana Brongiel ◽  
Annabella Narvarte ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction: The United States (U.S.) has higher rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and adolescent pregnancy than most other industrialized countries. Furthermore, health disparities persist among racial and ethnic minority adolescents (e.g., African American and Latinx) and in counties located along the U.S.–Mexico border region – they demonstrate the highest rates of STIs and unintended pregnancy among adolescents.Methods: Qualitative data were collected as part of formative research for the development of a mobile app that provides gender-inclusive sexual education to adolescents living in the U.S. – Mexico border region. From August 2019 to March 2020, in-depth interviews and focus groups were conducted with healthcare providers (n=11) and cisgender, heterosexual, and SGM adolescents ages 15-18 (n=3; 20 participants).Results: Providers and adolescents reported similar barriers to accessing SRH in this region such as transportation, lack of insurance and cost of services or accessing services without their parent’s knowledge. However, providers shared that some adolescents in this region face extreme poverty, family separation (i.e., parent has been deported), have a mixed family legal status or are binational and have to travel every day from Mexico to the U.S. for school. These challenges further limit their ability to access SRH.Conclusions: Adolescents in the U.S.-Mexico border region face unique economic and social challenges that further limit their access to SRH care, making them uniquely vulnerable to STIs and unintended pregnancy. Our findings provide further evidence for the need for interventions and service delivery, programs tailored for residents in the border region.

2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 1011-1021
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Jones ◽  
Adon L. Neria ◽  
Farzad A. Helm ◽  
Reza N. Sahlan ◽  
Jessica R. Carré

Agentic self-enhancement consists of self-protective and self-advancing tendencies that can lead to aggression, especially when challenged. Because self-enhancers often endorse aggression to defend or enhance the self-concept, religious self-enhancement should lead to endorsing aggression to defend or enhance one’s religion. We recruited three samples ( N = 969) from Mechanical Turk ( n = 409), Iran ( n = 351), and the U.S.–Mexico border region ( n = 209). We found that religious (but not secular) self-enhancement in the form of religious overclaiming predicted support for, and willingness to engage in, religious aggression. In contrast, accuracy in religious knowledge had mostly negative associations with aggression-relevant outcomes. These results emerged across two separate religions (Christianity and Islam) and across three different cultures (the United States, Iran, and the U.S.–Mexico border region). Thus, religious overclaiming is a promising new direction for studying support for religious aggression and identifying those who may become aggressive in the name of God.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-41
Author(s):  
Kimberly Collins

The COVID-19 pandemic has greatly impacted the lives of those living in the United States–Mexico border. From the Imperial Valley–Mexicali region, along the California– Baja California border, we find two interesting cases in public management that were impacted by the border population—medical care and informal importation of consumer goods. A lack of federal policy and guidance to improve the quality of life for people in the region leads us to rethink the role of governments and governance in the border region. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 857-857
Author(s):  
P Suarez ◽  
M Diaz-Santos ◽  
M Marquine ◽  
A Umlauf ◽  
D Franklin ◽  
...  

Abstract Objective Despite the wide use of the Trail Making Test when assessing Spanish-speakers in the United States (US), there is a lack of normative data to interpret level of performance in this population. Here we describe the generation of regional norms for the Trail Making Test for native Spanish-speakers residing in the Southwest Mexico-Border Region of US. Method Participants were 252 healthy native Spanish speakers, 58% women, between the ages of 19 and 60, and ranging in education from 0-20 years, recruited in San Diego, CA and Tucson, AZ. All received instructions translated into Spanish. Demographic effects on test performance were examined univariably. T-scores were calculated using fractional polynomial equations to account for linear and any non-linear effects of age, education, and sex. Results Older age and lower education were associated with worse scores on both Trails A and Trails B. The newly derived T-Scores showed no association with demographic variables and displayed the expected 16% rates of impairment using a -1 SD cutpoint based on a normal distribution. By comparison, published norms for English-speaking non-Hispanic whites yielded impairment rates of 28% for Trails A and 35% for Trails B while norms for African Americans resulted in 18 % impairment for Trails A and 20% impairment for Trails B. Conclusions Demographically adjusted regional norms improve the utility and diagnostic accuracy of the TMT for use with native Spanish speakers in the US-Mexico Border region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gonzalez Hernandez

This article analyzes how television news has enhanced the role of representation of the United States-Mexico border in themes such as immigration, theme represented in “spectacular” ways related to “warfare”. Using textual analysis on TV reports, my aim is to show how local television network news in the United States (NBC) and Mexico (Televisa) construct the representation of the U.S./Mexico border through a particular conflicting vision to account for border enforcements and interventions on both sides and with similar visual strategies. The analysis centers on actual “visual text” or television news reports, which tries to demonstrates how assumptions guide the activity of local network coverage, and how, at the same time, limits what is reported in news. This consequently contributes to the perpetuation of a representation related to ¨crisis¨ in the border region.


2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-241
Author(s):  
ADAM LIFSHEY

How does the music of Bruce Springsteen interrogate prevailing constructs of the U.S.-Mexico border region? In his folk masterpiece The Ghost of Tom Joad (1995) and other works that feature Spanish-speaking protagonists, Springsteen implicitly reconceptualizes the Americas as an unbordered and fluid space. His performances enact Mexico and the United States as transamerican ideations rather than discrete nations. Although the booming academic field of border studies reframes static images of both Latin America and the United States in favor of malleable transnational paradigms, it still tends to privilege cultural production emanating from the borders themselves. This propensity does not leave much space for an engagement with canonical figures of U.S. culture such as Springsteen, a singer/songwriter who theorizes the borderlands in ways that at first may seem at odds with his career-long, conscious associations with red, white, and blue semiotics. This article examines the Hispanic presences in Springsteen's oeuvre from his debut 1973 albums onward and contrasts them with the relatively fixed representations of the borderlands in the lifework of Bob Dylan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-124
Author(s):  
Jennifer J. Salinas ◽  
Renet Roy ◽  
Alok K. Dwivedi ◽  
Navkiran K. Shokar

Purpose: This article describes the risk of hereditary breast cancer (HBC) in low-income Hispanic women living on the U.S.–Mexico border using the Pedigree Assessment Tool (PAT). Method: The PAT was administered as part of the El Paso and Hudspeth County Breast Cancer Education, Screening and NavigaTion program (BEST). Baseline data ( n = 1,966) from this program was used to analyze risk factors for HBC. Analysis was conducted to determine significant covariates associated with the presence of any PAT risk factors. Results: The PAT identified 17% (95% CI [15%, 19%]) of the women in the study as having some risk of HBC. Having had a mammogram within 3 years was significantly associated with having any PAT risk factors (odds ratio [OR] = 1.79, p = .006). Women who immigrated to the United States during childbearing age (OR = 0.610, p = .009) or during peri/menopause (OR = 0.637, p = .024) were significantly less likely to have any PAT risk factors. Discussion: The PAT instrument detected a substantial pool of women who may be at risk for HBC. A significant proportion of these women were not up to date mammogram. Conclusions: The PAT is an effective tool to identify women at risk for HBC and encourage regular screening.


Norteamérica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
María de los Ángeles Flores ◽  
Manuel Chavez

On June 16, 2015, Donald J. Trump announced his candidacy for president of the United States, stating that he would build a wall on the southern border and Mexico would pay for it. From that moment on, the U.S.-Mexico border region became the news epicenter in the nation throughout the 2016 presidential campaign. This article examines Trump’s candidate-generated messages in relation to the border as part of his political communication strategy. The authors perform a content analysis of his political ads and his Twitter posts along with a textual analysis of his official website and his first 100 day contract. The Spearman’s rank-order correlation coefficient was then used to assess the degree of interdependence of issue positions for each issue. Outcomes showed that Trump presented 16 issues, six related to the border (the economy, foreign policy, immigration, regulations, taxes, and trade). Results found 28 issue positions relating to the border, with the highest number of solutions offered via Trump’s Twitter agenda and his 100 day agenda. The strongest degree of interdependence between agendas was observed on immigration between Trump’s TV-ad agenda and his 100 day agenda (rho = +0.545), and on the economy between Trump’s TV-ad agenda and his Twitter agenda (rho = +0.538). In both instances, the messages transmitted to voters on those political communication venues were very similar to each other.


2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850212 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gerber ◽  
Francisco Lara-Valencia ◽  
Carlos de la Parra

The U.S.-Mexico border region has two important but often overlooked characteristics. First, it is the physical place of most of the integration between the United States and Mexico, including market driven integration such as trade flows, migration, and investment as well as policy driven integration such as security cooperation, infrastructure development, and emergency response. Second, the border region has a growing transnational population that lives, works, goes to school, and participates in family and social networks on both sides of the border. Recent U.S. policy has hardened the border in response to concerns about terrorism, drug and human trafficking, undocumented migration, and arms smuggling. The consequences of these policies include disruption of the on-going economic integration, large external costs imposed on the growing transnational population, and barriers to progress on a number of issues of national importance, including dispute resolution, migration, and environmental management, among others. The paper identifies and discusses the advantages of the three different definitions of the border in current usage: counties and municipios that touch the border; the 100 kilometer boundary first set by the La Paz Agreement and later amended to 300 kilometers in Mexico and 100 in the U.S.; and the ten states that are along the border. The hardening of the border is partly the result of a lack of border institutions and the inability of border residents to speak in a common voice when they talk to their capitals. This is changing, however, as new institutions such as the Border Governors Conference take on a more active role in promoting the interests of border states and border regions. An examination of a recent Delphi survey of border decision-makers shows a high degree of cross border agreement on the goals and needs of the region in key areas such as competitiveness, security, and sustainability.


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