A Game Theory View of the Relationship Between the U.S., China and Taiwan

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chin-Hao Chang
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 11-31
Author(s):  
Mladen Lisanin

The paper examines the changing relations between the U.S. and Russia since the end of the twentieth century, shaped by the experience of NATO’s war with Federal Republic of Yugoslavia over Kosovo. The first decade after the termination of the Cold War brought about the American ‘unipolar moment’, and with it the attempt of Russian political elites to approach the unipole and find a sustainable modus vivendi with it: the relationship between Yeltsin and Clinton administrations is a vivid example of such endeavors. At the same time, policies such as NATO expansion induced suspicion on the Russian side with regard to the possibilities of achieving an understanding and allowing Russia to become a legitimate part of European security architecture. When, in March of 1999, NATO began with the attacks against FRY (a country perceived as traditionally friendly towards Russia) without the consent of the United Nations Security Council, a long shadow was cast over the prospects of a Russian – American rapprochement. All subsequent episodes of cooperation and competition between Russia and the U.S. have been observed through the lens shaped by the Kosovo war. Drawing from contemporary Russian and western academic literature and memoir materials (Primakov, Guskova, Narochnitska, Baranovsky, Tsygankov, Sushenkov; Wohlforth, Walt, Clarke, Hill, Galen Carpenter et al.) and building upon the traditional realist concepts of great power competition and balancing, the author assesses the development of U.S.-Russian security relations in the context the Kosovo war experience. It is argued that, in addition to being an attack against a country perceived as a traditional Russian friend or protégé, NATO bombing of FRY in 1999 posed a major concern to Russia because it was a signal that the alliance was ready to change its strategic posture and engage in out-of-area operations.


2004 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vineeta D. Sharma

Due to the high incidence of fraud in Australia, regulatory reports suggest strengthening the monitoring role of the board of directors (BOD). These reports recommend greater independence and no duality (chairperson of the BOD should not be the CEO) on the BOD. While there is no Australian evidence, research evidence in the U.S. supports these suggested reforms. It is not clear whether the research evidence observed in the U.S. will generalize to the Australian setting because of contextual differences. This study extends the U.S. findings to the Australian context and investigates the relationship between two attributes of the BOD, independence and duality, and fraud. In addition, I examine whether institutional ownership plays a role in the context of fraud. The more highly concentrated institutional ownership in Australia suggests the presence of some relationship. Using a matched sample of fraud and no-fraud firms from 1988–2000, I find that as the percentage of independent directors and the percentage of independent institutional ownership increases, the likelihood of fraud decreases. As expected, the results show a positive relationship between duality and the likelihood of fraud. These results support the call for strengthening the composition and structure of the BOD in Australia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089484532110133
Author(s):  
Jessica N. Schultz ◽  
Melanie E. Leuty ◽  
Emily Bullock-Yowell ◽  
Richard Mohn

Workplace microaggressions are related to person–organization fit (P-O fit) and job satisfaction. Additionally, P-O fit and calling predict job satisfaction. Given the religious connotations of calling, research has excluded study of these relationships in nonreligious samples, a growing segment of the U.S. population. To address this, it was predicted that P-O fit would mediate the relationship between microaggressions and job satisfaction, and calling would moderate the relationship between microaggressions and P-O fit. In a sample of 296 nonreligious employed adults, microaggressions predicted job satisfaction, while calling predicted P-O fit and job satisfaction; however, P-O fit did not mediate these relationships, and calling did not moderate microaggressions and P-O fit. Post hoc analyses revealed that calling moderated microaggressions and job satisfaction. Implications for research and vocational guidance with nonreligious individuals are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (41) ◽  
pp. 4542-4556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Cebula ◽  
Malissa L. Davis ◽  
James V. Koch ◽  
James William Saunoris

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin C. Medina

Distribution of firearm victimization is not equal within cities. Victimization can persistently concentrate in a small number of neighborhoods, while others experience very little violence. Theorists have pointed to one possible explanation as the ability of groups to control violence using social capital. Researchers have shown this association at the U.S. county, state, and national levels. Few studies, however, have examined the relationship between neighborhood social capital and violence over time. This study uses longitudinal data to ask whether neighborhood social capital both predicts and is influenced by firearm victimization over 3 years in Philadelphia. The results of several regression analyses suggest that trusting others and firearm victimization are inversely related over time. Implications for neighborhood policy planning and social capital as a theoretical framework are discussed.


Author(s):  
T. Andreeva

The article covers the role the Great Britain has played as a fourth independent political actor of international relations, along with the U.S., EU and NATO, in the political crisis in Ukraine from its very beginning (2014), and in finding quick and effective ways of solving it. The article also explores the worsening of the bilateral relationship between UK and Russia under the influence of the 2014–2015 Ukrainian crisis, in a wide context of antagonism between the U.S. and Russia. There are several factors introduced in the article which hampered the crisis from the start and which still can be used to improve the bilateral relations in the nearest future. The author scrutinizes the evolution of the Britain's stance on the Ukrainian upheaval at the beginning of 2014, the Crimea annexation/joining perceived as a violation of the international law, Russia's interference in the conflict in the Eastern territories of Ukraine, and the imposing of sever EU and U.S. sanctions against Russia. The article highlights the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on the strengthening of Anglo-American “special relations” and on the revival of the NATO strategic role as a tool to confront Russia not only in this conflict, but also on the world stage. The author tries to assess the scope of damage for the UK–Russia relationship made by the Ukrainian crisis and answer the questions: where has British participation in this crisis boosted the Great Britain's world standing, when can the UK–Russia relations become better again, and what can help improve the relationship between two countries?


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